[49]

XXX. Ferdinánd királynak Verancsics és Zay.

Prima actio Constantinopoli. [1]

Serenissima ac sacratissima regia majestas, do­mine nobis clementissime.

Ubi primum Buda discessimus, ursimus iter omni 1553. september elején.MONUM. HUNG. V. 4 [50] sedulitate et studio, nullibi vel una die quieti tradita, et tandem Dei beneficio sine ulla vel salutis nostrae omnium offensione, vel rerum majestatis vestrae ac nostrarum damno accepto, 25. Augusti venimus Con­stantinopolim, quod iter alii soliti sunt 35. diebus perficere, ibique sumus excepti per plures chyawsos, agas et duos dragomannos summi principis, qui no­bis obviam missi fuerant.

Et quoniam inde jam a cognito adventu nostro solos nos imperator expectaverat, quod compertissi­mum est, nolens prius in Casulem passam proficisci, quam certus esset, an cum majestate vestra pacem sit habiturus, adhuc ea ipsa die, qua appuleramus, passa Hruztanus audire nos cupiebat. Verum obten­ta illa die respirationi, excutiendisque pulveribus et expediendis mureribus, insequens dies data est au­dientiae.

Et hoc interim, quia dominus Joannes Maria [2]domi se continebat propter suam modestiam, nec eo potiri sine consensu passae poteramus, apud eundem dominum passam diligenter institimus, ut eum nobis concederet, quandoquidem ipse quoque esset collega noster ex mandato regiae majestatis, prout etiam lit­terae nostrae credentiae declarant. Impetravimus, moxque ad nos advocato, eique instructione nostra ac voluntate vestrae majestatis demonstrata, consul­tavimus insimul, ejus primum omnium petito con­silio, quonam pacto esset nobis constituenda legationis nostrae actio.

Nec in his diu morati, quia tempus consultandi breve erat ob celerem imperatoris discessum, cui vi­gesimus octavus dies erat designatus, ostendit omnia [51] ardua, immo etiam damnosa futura, si vel totum re­gnum vel partes illas, anno superiore ademptas pe­tissemus, praesertim vero Transsylvaniam. Et hoc, quoniam dudum eorum animos cognoverat, unde et in itinere admoniti sumus per plures, passa, ni fallimur, procurante, ut Transsylvaniam non peteremus, si quid pacis vellemus obtinere. Et quum jam Constan­tinopoli essemus, in hospitio quoque per dragomannum imperatoris, Ibraimum, nunciavit nobis, et serio di­cere jussit, quod si vel verbo unico mentionem de petitione Transsylvaniae faciemus, inducias non ob­tinebimus, et imperator omnino facta pace cum passa Casule in Hungariam convertetur. Nec enim levis putanda est causa, qua ipse imperator tantam moram commiserit in expectandis vestrae majestatis orato­ribus.

Ad quam rem confirmandam illud quoque edocti sumus, et quidem prius per dominum Joannem Ma­riam, quam ab aliis, quod passae Hruztani omnino ea fuerit voluntas et consilium, ut cum passa Casule foedus iniretur et in Hungariam bellum promovere­tur, quodque facile id ab imperatore obtinere potu­isset, quum ad hanc sententiam uxoris etiam ac fi­liae obsecrationibus traheretur, nisi et gravem et foedam injuriam sibi illatam putaret, quam a Casule passa accepit, ferroque suo vindicandam firmissima constitutione decrevisset. Et de his latius coram lo­quetur dominus Joannes Maria, quem nos fidelissi­mum esse majestatis vestrae non dubitamus, quan­doquidem quae nobis ille de his referebat, ab aliis etiam dicebantur et nunciabantur.

Morati circa haec tota illa die et nocte inse­quenti, dum quilibet nostrum secum captat salubre 4* [52] consilium, quidnam agere et quo pacto pacem petere deberemus, quum ab instructionis prima et secunda et tertia et quarta parte discedere non licebat: tan­dem, posteaquam in tanto rerum discrimine et metu, ne petendo regnum totum aut partes ademptas, vel etiam pro Transsylvania constantius laborando, cujus petitio jam interdicta erat, causam dedissemus belli hujus a Casule in Hungariam transferendi, quod o­mnino futurum fuerat, quantum postea etiam, quum jam rem tractare incepimus, manifeste cognovimus, facillime judicantes, quod, si Transsylvania nobis ante petitionem negaretur, prohiberemurque etiam a petitione illius, quaenam de majoribus obtinendis spe­rare possemus. Innixi tum penultimo articulo nostrae instructionis, attemperavimus nos, prout melius et fidelius potuimus, ne et vacui omnino rediremus, et periculum jam alio intentum et directum in nos con­verteremus, posita in Deum reliqua nostri cura, qui fortasse, quod non est dubitandum, melius brevi vult consulere rebus vestrae majestatis per has breves in­ducias, quam si perpetuam pacem obtinuissemus. Quae pax certe, quantum jam nos quoque perspici­mus, nemini christianorum principum, qui jam cum hac gente dimicarunt, firma et sincera precario con­cedetur, praesertim vero majestati vestrae, cujus vel minimos motus maximam laesionem putant. Adeo po­tens est veterum odiorum recordatio.

At inito consilio, ut eam pacem postulemus, quae est nobis in instructione ultimo loco asscripta, modum etiam petendi alium instituimus, quo magis insinuaremus animum vestrae majestatis tam erga hunc principem quam erga dominum passam, et in­terim perductis ambobus, quantum potuimus ad be­ [53] nevolontiam vestrae majestatis, faceremus nihilomi­nus obiter mentionem etiam aliarum partium legatio­nis, vel tentandi gratia, quid respondere vellent.

Et is modus talis fuit, ut ostenderemus, maje­statem vestram Semper ab initio, quo coepit cum im­peratore amicitiam colere, prout est initio instructio­nis nostrae, constanti animo et voluntate fuisse erga ejus majestatem, et nunc esse, cupereque amicitiam secum non renovare solum, sed et majorem et firmio­rem facere. Et quia majestas vestra singulariter con­fidit in imperatoris potentissimi amicitia ac in patro­cinio passae, eam pacem vestrae majestatis nomine petimus, quam et imperator ipse vult concedere, ar­bitrio suo tota ejus ratione permissa, et ut consulat ipse passa, quamnam petere debeamus, ex quo ma­jestas vestra tantum sibi haberet de benevolentia i­psius erga se persuasum, ut nihil prorsus esset in suis maximis etiam rebus, qaod ejus fidei committere non auderet. Dignaretur vestrae majestati pro hac sua in illum fiducia, et consilio in hoc et auxilio adesse. Haec fuit statuta summa petitionis pacis, quam po­stea inter loquendum variis rationibus et argumentis adauximus, quemadmodum oretenus referet dominus Joannes Maria.

His igitur omnibus hunc in modum constitutis die 26. postmeridiem deducti sumus ad Hruztanum passam, ab eoque privatim et sine publica aulae suae pompa, honeste tamen excepti, assidere etiam ac di­cere, nemine arbitro, jussi sumus. Functi tunc saluta­tionis officio, litteras quoque credentiae et munera cum Hamzabego, composita oratione exhibuimus. Quae omnia grato animo audita et accepta, vestrae [54] majestati tam pro salutatione, quam pro munere et Hamzabego gratias egit.

Post, vix initio orationis attente audito, mox si­lentium nobis porrecta manu indixit, aitque, ut de Transsylvania nihil loqueremur, si vellemus pacem. Et si omnino eam petendi haberemus in mandatis, ne de reliqua quoque legatione quicquam loqueremur. Frustra enim nos venisse et neque venire debuisse; statutum omnino et juratum esse ab imperatore, ut Transsylvania filio Joannis cederet. Et nisi rex in hoc imperatori complacebit, nullam secum amicitiam, nullam pacem habiturum. Indignum insuper fuisse pupillum a patre sibi commendatum, et dudum in tu­telam traditum, tanta injuria de sua patria pulsum, immo et provinciam usurpatam, quae imperatoris sui foret.

Offudit nobis tunc veluti tenebras hac interpel­latione tam dura. Verum composito et vultu et ser­mone ad modestiam, diximus, nos nihil commissuros, quo potentissimus imperator et sua dominatio magni­fica offendi possit; non posse alioqui ea silentio prae­terire, quae dicenda in mandatis haberemus, quum oratores instrumenta sint, quibus absentes principes mutuo de suis rebus colloquuntur. Caeterum si omni­no non vult ejus dominatio magnifica petere nos Transsylvaniam, saltem loqui ea (quod rogamus) ne prohibeat, ex quibus clarius informabitur, quonam se pacto habeant res ejusmodi, quam ab iis informa­tus, qui falsis suis fictionibus regem nostrum crimi­nantur, studentes poenitudinem sui delicti alieno in­commodo reparare.

Non concessit, tametsi saepius pro tunc ad idem redire studuimus, quod ejus sermone provocabamur. [55] Verum nos vix os aperire sinebat, identidem respon­dendo: dudum se nobis praedixisse, ne de Transsyl­vania loqueremur. Tunc mutuo inter nos eodem loci pauca collocuti, quid agere deberemus; et quia loqui etiam de Transsylvania prohiberemur, quid de tota Hungaria sperare deberemus, invicem quaerebamus; quumque et breve tempus ad differendum tractatum, vestigando et opperiendo meliora momenta, esset, ad rem venire cogebamur, quia postero die imperator erat abiturus, passaeque etiam in procinctu erant, et Hruztanus quoque moram non ferebat, videbatur­que mox in indignationem erupturus, quum diceret, imperatorem suum paratum habere exercitum, ades­seque illi etiam oratores passae Casuli, qui pacem postularent, eumque omnino in Hungariam arma pro­ferre voluisse, nisi ipse illum ab hac sententia dimo­visset. Esse igitur in manu regis vestri et bellum et pacem: bellum, si puero Transsylvaniam non reddi­disset; pacem, si reddidisset; idque pro his solum re­gni partibus, quas possideret. Nec de aliis loquere­mur, quia Turcis ex lege esset, nihil cuiquam de hiis restituere, in quibus ipsi Deo sese inclinassent, et vota prophetae suo reddidissent.

Sic nos, prout jam inieramus consilium, orsi ab initio instructionis, diximus: Quod majestas vestra dudum inceperat magna et constanti deliberatione colere amicitiam cum magnitudine principis Turcarum, eaque causa quinquennalem etiam pacem proximam secum iniverat, quasi initium quoddam ejus pacis, quam postea majorem et diuturniorem erat petitura, quod ejus magnitudini clarius constaret, quam ut nunc opus esset pluribus verbis recensere.

Quare etsi ea pax ante debitum tempus per quos­ [56] dam homines, qui semper ad id tempus, summa sedu­litate unitatem ac concordiam inter potentissimum imperatorem et majestatem vestram perturbare stu­duerunt, fuerit interrupta, semper tamen majestas vestra perstitit in pristina voluntate erga ejus magni­tudinem, uti et nunc persistit, nihil aliud cupiens, quam ejusmodi interruptam pacem non solum revo­care sed etiam majorem et firmiorem facere, quo ani­mus vestrae majestatis cum ejus magnitudine unitus esset, et subditi atque coloni utriusque partis per Hungariam jam tandem tot oppressionibus conquiesce­rent et respirarent.

Hisque de causis adjecimus, majestatem vestram fuisse sollicitam, ut ad magnitudinem ejus principis mitteret oratores, qui de hac pace renovanda agerent et concluderent. Et quia ad hunc tractatum opus fuit alicujus temporis induciis propter communium finium quietem et oratorum securitatem, qui mittendi erant ad ejus magnitudinis excelsam Portam, eas ipsas in­ducias postulaverat vestra majestas medio Aly pas­sae; quas quod ejus magnitudo concessit et dominus passa impetraverat, diximus majestatem vestram gra­tias agere, eosque oratores, qui mittendi erant, mi­sisse, et nos eos esse, et habere a majestate vestra totam et plenam authoritatem tractandi et componen­di cum ejus magnitudine memoratam pacem his con­ditionibus, quae majestatis vestrae honori nihil dero­garent, magnitudini vero imperatoris et honesta et commoda fieret, quod ex litteris quoque credentiae es­set sua magnitudo cognitura.

Plura etiam ex mandati instructione, quae huc facere visa sunt, elocuti sumus, quod attentius passa coeperat nos audire, donec diximus, majestatem ve­ [57] stram a potentissimo imperatore pacem et amicitiam postulare. Ubi passa, ulteriore narratione non expe­ctata, prout est etiam ille alieni sermonis, quum lon­gius procedit impatientior, interrupit nos et dixit: principem suum omnino pacem majestati vestrae con­cessurum, et oblivioni traditurum omnes odiorum cau­sas elapsi temporis, dummodo Transsylvaniam et ea, quae hactenus acquisivit, non petat; in reliquis pa­cem, quamcunque petieritis, daturum.

Ibi nos difficile respondimus esse, prohiberi oratores, ne hoc vel illud aut peterent aut loqueren­tur, quum de honore et capite agitur oratorum, si ea sic non egerint apud principes, ad quos mittuntur, ut habuere in mandatis. Igitur rogare nos, pateretur do­minus passa de omnibus dicere, et ea postea facere, quae et ejus illustrissimae dominationi et magnitudini imperatoris visa forent.

Non permisit, quum diceret saepius, frustra nos locuturos, et scire tam se quam principem suum, quaenam essemus locuturi. Caeterum deliberasse cae­sarem etiam juramento, nolle Transsylvaniam esse alterius, quam Pueri. Et si etiam Puer non esset, pro magna tamen injuria principem suum ducere, eam provinciam, quam ipse suo gladio jam ab anno tri­cesimo obtinuit, tali modo sibi esse ereptam, nec posse animo conquiescere, donec in aliena erit po­testate.

Ubi quum nos dixissemus, majestatem vestram nec vi nec dolo, nec in praejudicium imperatoris sui eam intercepisse, sed ultro traditam recepisse, (toto hic rei progressu paucis exposito, ed data omni opera, ut quae rogando eloqui non poteramus, obiter et quasi aliud agentes eloqueremur,) nec in recipienda Trans­ [58] sylvania majestatem vestram principi ejus peccasse, aut Joannis filium laesisse, eamque culpam primum patris esse Pueri, deinde matris et demum eorum, quibus Pueri cura fuerat demandata. Ubi quum non­nihil passam obticuisse vidimus, totum tractatum de pace inter Joannem et Majestatem vestram facta, et de capitulationibus ejus transactis, in quibus priva­rat successione filium, et quo pacto regina Budam vestrae majestati tradere voluerit, quod expresse erat contra imperatorem invictissimum, quo etiam modo coronam illi ex Transsylvania miserit, seque una cum filio in fidem et protectionem ejus tradiderit, jurarit­que, in posterum nihil de Transsylvaniae repititione agressuram, et molituram aliquando filium, dummodo et sibi et filio suo ea darentur, quae cum patre fuerant transacta. Nec dubitaret passa, ea omnia majestatem vestram magna effusa pecunia plenarie perfecisse, facto contento etiam Petro Petrowith, uti desideravit ipsemet.

Hic subjunximus de falsis accusationibus, quas paulo ante intellexeramus litteris Petrowith in maje­statem vestram fuisse contortas, et quorumdam alio­rum: quod scilicet curasset majestas vestra ultra Transsylvaniae interceptionem ipsos etiam interci­piendos et malehabendos, — ne passa ejusmodi cri­minationibus credere vellet, falsas et confictas esse, ac imperatori potentissimo verba dari per eos, qui eum prodiderant, atque eidem ingrati fuerant, nec habentes aliam rationem errorem suum restaurandi et delictum diluendi, omnem culpam majestati vestrae impingere.

Placuit de hiis data occasione coram passa plu­ribus disserere, ut in invidiam adduceremus molestum [59] et majestati vestrae et Christianitati genus. Verum haec et alia omnia nihili ducta a passa, tanquam o­mnes rationes et omnem aequitatem de industria non admittere in causa Pueri decrevissent. Scit haec o­mnia, inquit, imperator, verum postquam semel pro­vinciam illam ei dedit, et ad pietatem suam denuo rediit, nullo pacto eum potest destituere.

Caeterum sciens, inquit, rex vester, Transsyl­vaniam et Hungariam imperatoris esse, primum a debellato rege Ludovico, deinde a Buda occupata, cur, quando coepta est dari illi ipsa Transsylvania vel per errorem vel per improbitatem, quum sit pru­dens et sapiens; et studet amicitiae imperatoris, po­tentissimum ac invictissimum appellat, vires ejus non timuit? et priusquam Transsylvaniam in manus suas recipit, cur non nunciavit nostro imperatori, quod Transsylvaniam illi dare contenderent, petiitque con­silium, an eam recipere debeat? vel postquam rece­pit, cur subito non misit ad potentissimum imperato­rem tributum solitum, tam pro Hungaria quam pro Transsylvania, rogavitque ipsum imperatorem, ut eum confirmare in Transsylvania et in sua amicitia velit? Nam tunc erat opportunum tempus Transsyl­vaniam petendi, quum recens erat imperatoris odium in reginam, in Heremitam, in Petrowith et in Trans­sylvanos, non nunc, quando ipsum imperatorem et immatura aetas ac innocentia Puero conciliat, et re­liquorum erroris agnitio atque confessio, in ipsumque imperatorem summa atque ultima totius iilius provin­ciae fiducia. Nec dubium est, quin fortasse rex vester magnam tunc gratiam invenisset apud imperatorem, quae nunc ei nullo pacto concedi potest. Immo, quod magis est, nec ego tanti sum, ut jam de hoc ipse im­ [60] peratori audeam loqui, in quantum vitam habeam charam.

Haec propositio passae, quae videbatur nonnihil in se habere rationis, si modo majestas vestra fuisset Turcae subdita, quod Deus avertat, sed quia non est, nec id concedant Superi, difficultatem responsionis nobis movit non exiguam; omnia tamen reducendo ad fiduciam, quam majestas vestra habet in imperatore et in benevolentia passae, respondimus:

Servos et abjectos homines omnia metu agere; amicos et liberos amore et fiducia. Ideo quum vidisset rex noster ultro tradi sibi Transsylvaniam, et assiduis nunciis, litterisque urgeri et-sollicitari, ut eam acci­pere non differret, quod saepe mora consuevit nocere rebus paratis, ex eo, quod et potentissimus impera­tor longe esset, et ii, a quibus tradebatur Transsyl­vania, facile videbantur pejus ele ea provincia facturi, nisi rex noster statim de ea accipienda consensisset: factum est, ut oblationem non respuerit, habens fir­mam semper in imperatore fiduciam, quod tanta in se indignatione ob id non commoveretur, cognitaque prosteritatis Joannis ingratitudine, eandem provin­ciam in manu ejus reliquisset, ubi pro ea solitum mu­nus quotannis pendisset; eaque causa non omisit plu­ribus statim litteris imperatori significare, quomodo et qua causa Transsylvaniam in potestatem suam ac­cepisset, quodque imperatoris amicitiam diuturniorem expeteret, velletque ea omnia munera pro illius pos­sessione quotannis solvere, quae regina persolvebat. Verum nullo ad has litteras responso habito, et inte­rim moto hinc Budensi passa cum exercitu in ejus majestatis fines, illhinc Kaszumbego et post aliis at­que aliis ducibus cum copiis imperatoris, omnis de [61] oratoribus mittendis facultas atque fiducia ejus maje­stati adempta est, et ad tutandos fines suos cura in­jecta, non sine magno ejus majestatis dolore, quod tam cito turbatoribus pacis hujus potentissimus impe­rator, immo etiam ipse dominus passa locum dede­rit, eorumque delationibus aurem praebuerit. Alioqui si serenissimus rex noster vel nutu unico de animo magnitudinis suae erga se fuisset praemonitus, credat et magnitudo ejus, et tu illustrissime domine passa, quod rex noster non obaudisset, neque ulla ex parte neglexisset potentissimi imperatoris erga se tam prae­claram voluntatem, quod vel ex praesenti legatione potest plane ejus magnitudo intelligere.

Nobis passa ad haec parum pro voto, ut antea, respondit, saepius replicans: quomodo id committere sapientissimus rex potuerit contra imperatorem po­tentissimum; numque habuerit fidos et prudentes con­siliarios penes se, qui ab hoc facto non dimovissent vestram majestatem? Caeterum ut, inquit, concludam, omnem occasionem et petendi et potiundi Transsyl­vania rex vester amisit, vosque frustra in hoc labo­ratis, ego etiam sine periculo loqui imperatori jam non possum.

Et in his collocutionibus hora jam ferme exierat, apparebatque optare passam, ut jam cessaremus. Tune nos mutuo invicem contuiti, nutuque et in au­rem questi de obstinatione passae, venimus ad rem; veniaque primum postulata, si fuissemus molesti tam multa disserendo, immo etiam gratiis nomine vestrae majestatis actis, quod tam benigne nobiscum fuisset collocutus, diximus tandem:

Postquam nihil, illustrissime domine passa, im­petramus de his, propter quae non temporanea sed [62] perpetua pax inter potentissimum imperatorem et re­gem nostrum poterat et debebat coalescere, rex uti­que noster serenissimus pacem petit a magnitudine imperatoris, eamque talem, qualem ipsius magnitudo concesserit, modo honestam et tolerabilem. Tantum enim ejus majestas fidit magnitudini ejus, tamque sincere amicitiam et bonam cum eadem magnitudine concordiam habere desiderat, ut hujus pacis petitio­nem in illius arbitrio commiserit ad confusionem mul­torum, qui secus de illius voluntate erga magnitudi­nem suam persuadere conantur.

Simili modo serenissimus rex noster post impe­ratorem potentissimum ad vestrae illustrissimae do­minationis recurrit benevolentiam. Quapropter quo­niam majestas regia ea omnia recenti tenet memoria, quae plures oratores ac nuncii sui, quos antehac in excelsa suae magnitudinis Porta habuit, ejus maje­stati retulerunt de egregio et valde propenso animo ac voluntate sua ad promovendum et procurandum, ut quies et pax et amicitia inter ejus majestatem et potentissimum imperatorem, ac inter utriusque prin­cipis regna, dominia, populos et subditos vero et fir­miter constitueretur. Non ignorare praeterea, quod quinquennalis quoque pax illa proxima ad ipsius po­tissimum persuasionem et sollicitudinem serenissimae suae majestati a magnitudine domini sui fuerit con­cessa, quo pro officio et amore serenissimus rex no­ster pollicetur ex se vestrae illustrissimae domina­tioni omnem condecentem gratitudinem, respectum­que tam honoris quam commodi sui se habiturum of­fert diligenter.

Unde petitura ejus majestas in hunc modum a potentissimo imperatore pacem, jussit nos in hoc et [63] consilio et auxilio vestrae illustrissimae dominationis uti, immo etiam illud expresse nobis demandavit: ut si quo casu, potentissimus imperator et reliqui domini passae in concedenda ejus majestati hac pace, aliis­que quibuscunque in rebus ejus majestati adversaren­tur, ad vestram illustrissimam dominationem, ut ad ejus singularem, confidentissimumque fautorem, et ad eum amicum, quem sibi faventissimum esse et fu­turum etiam in posterum non dubitat, accurreremus; quare ut nos diligenter edoceat ejus illustrissima do­minatio, quomodoque nos gerere debeamus, reveren­ter rogamus.

Passa laetiore vultu ad haec demonstrato, quod tantum ei majestatem vestram tribuere ostendimus, ut ejus consilio in petitione hujus pacis uti velit, nulla regni parte nominata, nec Transsylvania, quam so­lam nos petituros sibi firmiter persuaserat, paucis ad haec respondit.

Bene sibi majestatem vestram consuluisse, quod hoc et potentissimi imperatoris arbitrio et suo consi­lio permiserit. Se illi semper fuisse amicum et fau­torem, et nunc etiam esse velle, nec melius pro nunc eidem posse de hac pace consulere, quam ipsa sibi consuluerit. Imperatorem omnibus elapsi temporis o­diorum, inimicitiarum et indignationis causis seposi­tis et oblivioni traditis, pacem vestrae majestati jam concedere, ac veterem renovare, dummodo de Trans­sylvania nihil loquatur, neque de aliis, quae in Hun­garia obtinuit. Alia vero omnia facturum et conces­surum, quae desiderat, quo secure et pacifice in ea regni parte permaneat, quam in potestate habet. Et sensuram majestatem vestram in posterum magnos fructus ex amicitia imperatoris, si hanc pacem cura­ [64] bit firmiter observandam per suos, ejusque magnitu­dini in dimittenda Transsylvania gratificabitur.

Nos ad haec quoque non omnino cessavimus, quo omnem lapidem tentaremus et quidem hoc con­gressu, quia tempus non habebamus, et quia sola ipsi Transsylvania offendebantur. Quare omissis caeteris Transsylvaniam urgebamus in omnem eventum, coe­pimusque munificentiam vestrae majestatis pollicitari tam imperatori quam ipsi passae. Cujus parva ratione habita, jussit nobis responderi, imperatorem suum ni­hil pro pecunia agere, sed pro gloria et fama, et sibi pro infamia magna ducere, sic se ex Transsylvania esse exclusum. Caeterum si rex vester pro minimo lapide terrae transsylvanae quicquid auri et argenti in aliis suis regnis habet, dare vellet, dimovere ipsum imperatorem suum ab sententia non posset. Se vero tantum habere post suum dominum, ut quotidie sub cervicali centum millia ducatorum reperiret.

Cum his hinc dimissi, a passa ad Ahmat passam, qui proximo anno venerat in Hungariam, profecti su­mus, cui oblato munere, ea etiam poregimus, quae eramus jussi. Nec reliquos illa die adire potuimus, quod nox ingruerat.

Die insequenti, quae fuit 27. deducti sumus ad divanum, ut illic ab omnibus passis audiremur et im­peratorem adiremus, factumque est divanum extraor­dinarium in nostram gratiam. Ubi a Hruztan passa, de omnibus, quae privatim secum collocuti fueramus, et ad rem pertinebant, summa diligentia et ordine in­terrogati, eadem omnia, quae prius, respondimus, nisi quod accuratius eo nos deducebat, ut rem Trans­sylvaniae praecideremus, quum saepius nobis propo­neret, plenam nos habere authoritatem de pace tran­ [65] sigenda et constituenda, et mirum esse, si id facien­di facultas nobis data non fuisset, praesertim quod nos majestas sua consiliarios suos in litteris ascrip­sisset.

Cui difficultati cum nos eripere aliter nequire­mus, quia responsa et proposita nostra omnia eo ten­debant, ut gratiora de Transsylvania obtineremus, diximus: verum esse, quod majestatis vestrae consi­liarii essemus, non tamen alia scire, quam quae nobis­cum dignatur communicare, nec habere facultatem ad ea omnia subscribenda, quae hic peteremur, sed ad ea tantum, quae detrimentosa vestrae majestati non forent. Caeterum majestatem vestram tam par­vam fiduciam in potentissimo imperatore et in bene­volentia ipsius domini possae non habuisse, ut dubi­tarit, quando nos dimittebat, Transsylvaniam sibi negatum iri; immo etiam non solum non credidit, sed ne cogitavit quidem, quod pro Transsylvania ipsa tantum instabit potentissimus imperator. Adeo con­stanter, vere, et firmiter, et sincere in ejus magnitudi­nis amicitiam et benevolentiam sese detulisset. Qua ex re nec nobis commisit quicquam aliud de Trans­sylvania statuere, quam quod jam saepius retuli­mus; et si quid in utramque partem in secretiore man­dato haberemus, certe post tot prohibitiones et aper­ta edicta, ne de ea provincia loquereremur, declara­tionesque, quod majestati regis nostri negatur, du­dum jam prolocuti fuissemus, finemque de Transsyl­vania faceremus. Sed quoniam hoc in mandatis non habemus: etiam si capitibus nostris cadendum erit, huic voluntati potentissimi imperatoris subscribere non possumus, agentes ingentes gratias ejus magni­tudini et ipsi domino passae pro ea concessa pace, MONUM. HUNG. V. 5 [66] quam eo etiam gratiorem fore majestati vestrae pu­taremus, quod ultronea et pro consilio domini passae concessa fuerit. —

[Non omittemus praeterea quaedam obiter etiam in divano dicta, quibus interdum hominum amicorum et non amicorum (animi) clarius sese pandunt; os enim saepenumero ex abundantia cordis loquitur. Igi­tur quum inter loquendum Verancius loqueretur ad interpretem, quod passae responderi debebat, con­versus passa ad Zay: Tu, inquit, scisne croatice? Scio, respondit. Et is collega tuus? Respondit: Ipse quoque. Tum cujas et ipse et Verancius esset, quae­sivit; respondissetque Hungarum se, Verancium vero Dalmatam esse, miratusque quod tam bene ea lingua loqueretur Zay, mox subjunxit, bis iterando: Rex vester non habet fidem, rex vester non habet fidem; et obticuit. Tum Zay: Rex noster, inquit, domine passa, habet fidem, mirorque, quod dominatio vestra illustrissima potest hoc de rege nostro credere, quum in minimi etiam regis verbo non cadit mendacium, quanto magis cum rege nostro non cadit, qui est in Christianitate maximus; rogari passam, ne id de ma­jestate vestra velit credere. Tum passa: Cur ergo in­ducias non servavit? Respondit: quod rex eas serva­vit inducias, nec violatae sunt aut ruptae sua volun­tate, sed eorum malitia, qui nunquam volunt, ut po­tentissimus imperator cum rege meo concordiam ha­beat. Et passa: Credis tu hoc? Non solum credo, re­spondit, sed etiam plane scio. Simulque vultu in do­loris et displicentiae significationem remisso, quod ejusmodi de principe suo patienter cogeretur audire, passa quoque de alio coepit loqui. Sed et Verancius itidem, quum eum croatice ob quaedam severius dicta [67] lenire vellet, dixit: Nescire[3]. Verum haec obiter; toleratumque est propter locum et tempus.] —

Fuere plura alia inter nos tunc temporis tractata verbosius; verum quoniam sola Transsylvania pun­gebantur, nec de ejus cessione certum verbum a no­bis obtinere potuerunt, passae una omnes quatuor ad imperatorem nos deduxere, a quo quam benigne ac­cepti fuimus, referet coram dominus Joannes Maria. Verum quantum nobis ipsi retulerunt Turcae, longe benignius gessit sese nobiscum, quam ab aliquot mul­tis annis cum ullius principis oratoribus fecerit, qua­ter de re nostra locutus, passusque ter et quater no­stra responsa et orationem longiorem, quam pro so­lito. Id nos judicare non potuissemus, quia omnino parum videbatur solitus cum christianis regibus lar­gius colloqui; at edocti ab bac gente et a domino Jo­anne Maria, cumulate etiam dicitur gratiam suam declarasse, quum initio quaesisset passam: an esset aliqua ratio, qua pax haec concedi posset? Prout haec et reliqua relaturus est vestrae serenissimae ma­jestati commodius dominus Joannes Maria.

Absoluti a conspectu imperatoris, iterum in di­vanum jussi sumus assidere, ibique varie denuo et multipliciter de his ferme omnibus, de quibus prius, ac etiam de eis, quae in instructione non habueramus, perquisiti, ubi suspicione non caruimus, quod quae­rerent nos in verbo aliquo capere, et ut de hac bene­dicta Transsylvania aliquid certius responderemus, quia quum exissemus ab imperatore, dixerat passa ad quendam: ut reduceremur, quandoquidem esset thaumassam quamdam facturus, quod significat mi5*­ [68] rum et notabile quiddam. Et haec nobis interpres re­tulit. Verum postquam ad omnia et singula vidit nos passa ea respondere, quibus nec ipsi offendebantur, nec recedebamus a proposito: Nu, inquit, sciendum est vobis, quod potentissimus imperator cum serenis­simo rege vestro hodierna die, omissis et oblitis o­mnibus illis, ut supra, inquit, dixeramus, odiis et ini­micitiarum causis, pacem renovavit eo modo et illis conditionibus, quibus proxime elapsa facta fuerat, promittendo ejus majestatem in tota ea parte regni Hungariae, quam possidet, pacifice tenere et possi­dere, et vult eandem pacem firmiter et inconcusse servare, si modo ipse rex vester nomine ipsius impe­ratoris potentissimi cessurus est Joannis filio Trans­sylvaniam. Caeterum, quoniam vos de ipsa Trans­sylvania hic definire et statuere mandatum non ha­buistis, vult potentissimus imperator, ut unus vestrum pro hac resolutione vadat quamprimum ad suam re­giam majestatem, et is, qui cum hac commissione proficisci debebit, volumus, ut sit Joannes Maria, qui hactenus multa et passus est pro sua majestate, et eidem bene et fideliter tam diu inservivit, vel nobis testibus. Vos autem alii duo hic interim expectabitis. Caeterum scribite et consulite regi vestro, ut in hoc velit potentissimo imperatori complacere, si cogitat etiam in posterum potius amicitia ejus quam inimici­tia uti, horteminique insuper, ut Joannem Mariam huc remittat cum sua de hoc relatione, et jubeat eum ulterius hic apud nos legatione fungi, qui alium habere oratorem nolumus. Vos autem pacifice et honeste remittemini.

Fuit et de perpetua pace sermo, ad quam et filii et posteri omnes utriusque principis obligari deberent, et hoc in hunc modum. Nam quum inducias sex annorum [69] pro instructionis nostrae mandato petere debuimus, si tantummodo Lyppam, Solymos, Zolnok etc. maje­stati vestrae concessissent; aliquot vero annorum, si nihil, prout in sequenti articulo instructionis contine­tur: viso et cognito, quod omnino nihil de locis jam occupatis volunt majestati vestrae concedere, et pas sa ultro ex se obtulit elapsae pacis sive induciarum renovationem, nos de industria annos quinque non ex­cessimus, et diximus statim, contentam fore majesta­tem vestram pace hac annorum quinque, idque eo potissimum, quod in reditu Joannis Mariae poterit et diminui et augeri, si majestati vestrae placuerit. Sic enim per passam promissum est. Verum quum de hoc termino sermo esset, quaesivit passa: et cur po­tius ad mortem usque alterius principis dictam pacem non peteremus? Suspicari quiddam videbatur, quod scilicet respirationem quaereremus, donec novum bel­lum instauraretur, quia subridendo etiam loquebatur. Verum aliter nos respondimus, quam fortasse ipse sperabat: Quod majestas vestra eam pacem petiisset, quam imperator concessisset; et quia jam veterem renovandam promisit, nos quoque pro diuturniore non laborare, et posse eam semper prorogari, ubi parti­bus placuisset. Alioqui, domine passa, sciat tua illu­strissima dominatio, quod nos perpetuam pacem pe­tere et dare veneramus, nec id pro solis principibus vestro et nostro, sed etiam pro liberis et tota eorum posteritate, si quid a vobis impetrari licuisset eorum, quae jam armis in potestatem vestram subdidistis. Sic nempe magna pax et magnae amicitiae conflantur et solidantur, fueratque futurum imperatori vestro et ad famam gloriosum et ad commodum utile, quia ul­tra munera honoraria, quae rex noster amplissima erat [70] quotannis imperatori potentissimo exhibiturus, mul­tae certe etiam aliae et magnae amicitiae secum ad ejus magnitudinem accedebant.

Risit, nec aliud respondit, quam quod vanum esset de filiorum et posterorum dominatione statuere. Quis enim de futuris principatibus posset certi aliquid statuere, praesertim in imperio nostro? Ea autem reddere ultro, quae jam gladio acquisivimus, et ubi templa nostra ereximus, ac oravimus, et Deum ac prophetam nostrum invocavimus, non consuevimus, quum alioqui etiam legibus et libris nostris prohibe­mur. Verum si pax imperatoris nostri placet, et vultis eam firmiter observare, ad mortem usque eam con­cedemus.

Nos ultra responsionibus usi non multis, quia in vanum loquebamur, hoc spatium induciarum visum est esse amplectendum, postquam sic facile et ultro oblatum est, tanquam quod jam majestas divina ci­tius vellet Christianorum rebus succurrere, quam ho­mines putarent, aut etiam meliore via, quam si se semel majestas vestra tam longo foedere cum gente illigasset, quae nullos Christianos sincere amat, et nequit aliter dominari et vitam traducere, quam nisi habeat in quos rapinas exerceat, et a quibus captivos petat.

Verum hoc sermone, clementissime rex, non excusamus nos, quod aut nescivimus rem majestatis vestrae gerere et aliquid majus impetrare (licet satis imbecillitatis nostrae conscii sumus), aut quod negle­xerimus opportunas rationes in agendo tentare; humil­lime tamen dicimus: quod tanta diligentia et conatu et contentione et fide gessimus omnia, quae geri no­bis concessa sunt, ut desiderari nihil possit, quemad­ [71] modum dominum Joannem Mariam collegam nostrum narraturum et fidem facturum non dubitamus, rela­tioni ejus, quam oretenus vestrae majestati de multis etiam aliis facturus est, remittentes, quum singula complecti scripto, longum esset. — Et tanta delibe­ratione incubuisse in eo imperatorem, dixit passa, quo Puer Transsylvania non privetur, ut si non hu­mana sed divina verba, idque divino ore non huma­no loqueremur, prorsus nihil essemus impetraturi aliud, praeterquam simplicem hanc induciarum pacem. Sic a divano dimissi.

Inde reliquos duos passas, Ibraymum et Hay­darum accessimus, quemlibet domi suae, eisque ut aliis, oblato munere et porrectis litteris, negotia ve­strae majestatis diligenter commendavimus, nobis­cumque humanissime omnes tres[4] colloquuti sunt, et obtulere sese favori vestrae majestatis. Sed quantum intellectura est a domino Joanne Maria, ita parum ipsi prodesse possunt, ut praeter parum nihil. Unus ille traxit ad se omnia, et imperatorem gerit, ac ve­remur plurimum, ne sit alibi totus, apud vero maje­statem vestram vix parte sui minima. Et de hoc quo­que plura dominus Maria, nosque illud, quantum pro nostro captu possumus, plane prospicimus, frustra ab hoc principe, firmis ejus rebus et fortuna stante, peti vel minimum locum jam subjugatum; nec aliter haberi poterit, quod petitur, nisi armis, aut si ali­unde debilitabitur, aut aliquando divinitus praeter omnem expectationem porrigetur occasio. Quod sup­plicamus humillime et reverenter dictum accipere dignetur, quia insolentiores nunquam fuisse existi­ [72] mamus; ejusque rei dominus Joannes Maria faciat fidem.

His peractis, 28. imperator trajecit in Asiam Chalcedonem sive Scutarum, locum Constantinopoli op­positum; dieque insequenti, 29. scilicet, pro reliqua expeditione, quae restabat, vocati sumus ad passam, quum antea promisissemus, scripto nos porrecturos conditiones, quibus praefata pax renovata constare deberet. Et licet ipsum scriptum adhuc die praece­denti per dragomannum passae miseramus, [5] tamen nobiscum nos aliud exemplum detulimus, quo facilius de omnibus tractaremus, easque conditiones ex in­structione, quam brevissime et commodissime potui­mus, nihil omittentes, exemimus, et ad majestatem vestram quoque misimus paulo infrascriptas, [6] ut eidem de omnibus nostris actionibus rationem reddere non negligeremus.

Et quoniam non solum non potuit quicquam amis­sorum locorum impetrari, verum ut ne de Zolnok qui­ [73] dem disturbatione etiam loqueremur, nedum obtinere aliquid possemus, concessum est, quod diceret: tran­situm esse quendam Zolnok Turcis ad multa com­moda tam in Hungariam quam in Transsylvaniam prospectantibus. Ideo solum Zechen, ut demoliretur, petiimus, propter viae, quae Agriam ducit, securita­tem; de quo simili modo difficulter audiebat verba nostra, spes tamen non adempta, si pro voto de Transsylvania a majestate vestra respondebitur.

At apud passam in horto quodam Chalcedone constituti, novis ibi contentionibus excepti sumus, et fecere nobis magnum negotium colonorum atque alio­rum subditorum status limitatio, Zechen destructio et muneris honorarii diminutio, et de Transsylvania actio, adeo, ut ad horam ferme unam et dimidiam, ite­rum atque iterum et semper de his fuerimus collo­cuti. Concessum tandem illud: ut quum de Transsyl­vania optatum responsum a majestate vestra relatum fuerit, quia et pax haec quinquennalis tunc consti­tuetur et firmabitur, coloni qui hactenus utrobique census penderunt, etiam in posterum utrobique pen­dant; ut tamen pace constituta, delegentur commis­sarii, qui et de hac et de aliis partibus hujus articuli videant et transigant. Quamquam etiam postea, quum redierit dominus Joannes Maria, loquemur de his; redeat modo cum bono responso de Transsylvania. Nam ad ejus reditum et haec et de munere honorario et de Zechen et demum de omnibus aliis passa distu­lit, quod dixit, rem omnem hujus pacis ex remissione Transsylvaniae dependere.

Unum in hoc congressu adjecit passa: imperato­rem promisisse, quod si Joannis filius moreretur, aut per avunculum regem Poloniae, vel alio quopiam [74] casu impediretur, ne in Transsylvaniam penetrare posset, quod nec turcam praefectum, nec turcica praesidia in Transsylvaniam est missurus, sed chri­stianum. Et de hoc admonuit, lit firmiter crederemus. Nec tamen hanc principis hujus mentem rescire po­tuimus. Quare dignabitur majestas vestra altius ri­mari hujus rei consilium. Nos existimamus hoc fieri, aut Poloni aut Gralli causa, aut alicujus transsylvani hominis ambitu, aut fortasse, ut injecta majestati ve­strae spe aliqua longinqua et nullis nixa retinaculis inducant ad cessionem Transsylvaniae. Verum quid subsit propositioni ejusmodi, divinare difficile est. Cu­rabimus tamen interim, ut expiscemur aliquid, tametsi etiam hactenus non sumus ausi multum loqui de hoc, ne aliquid dixissemus, quod Turca arripere in suum commodum potuisset. Expectanda itaque nobis sunt a majestate vestra omnia.

Multus fuit sermo et de munere honorario. Nullo nempe pacto ad summam decem et quinque millium florenorum volebat passa descendere, quantumvis valde diminutas fuisse ditiones vestrae majestatis pro­ximo bello, diceremus, exaggeraremusque alias in­junctas nobis rationes. Et demum quum ad decem et septem millium summam venissemus, promitteremus­que etiam pro Transsylvania plura tam imperatoris magnitudini quam ipsi passae, si modo efficeret, ut majestas vestra non eam molestaret ex parte Trans­sylvaniae: Omnino, inquit, obliviscamini de Trans­sylvania. Caeterum de munere honorario et de rebus aliis, quas proposuistis, loquemur, quum redierit Jo­annes Maria. Verum quid majestas regia datura est mihi muneris pro hac concessa pace, quam si ego non impetrassem, quisnam impetrasset? et si forte [75] imperatoris munus velitis diminuere, meum diminui non debet, Haec joco dicere videbatur, quum rideret etiam, nihil tamen fingebat. Nos respondimus: maje­statem vestram non ingratam esse solitam, et ejus post imperatorem praecipuam habiturum rationem dummodo etiam ejus majestas regia sentiat revera ejus illustrissimae dominationis patrocinium. Sic dato mandato scribis, ut ad majestatem vestram litteras scribant de concessione hujus pacis et de cessione Transsylvaniae, praeceptorias quoque dedit ad Bu­densem passam de prorogatione induciarum seme­strium, donec omnino huic legationi finis adhibebitur, remanentibus nobis hic non tam libenter aut solatio­rum gratia, quum hominibus sub custodia eaque strictissima constitutis quaenam pervenire possint, non videmus, quam ut rebus vestrae majestatis ac ejus regni non desimus, etiamsi mori oportebit; habita etiam ejus causae consideratione, ut melius serenis­sima vestra majestas de omnibus, non tam de prae­sentibus, quam de praeteritis, et de multis circum­stantiis a domino Joanne Maria coram informetur, qui ita hic omnia et omnium quum mores tum etiam rerum ac negotiorum cursum et praxes perdidicit, ut optandum etiam fuerit, quod ultro passa de eo dimit­tendo expediverit. Esto certe quod et nos libenter rediissemus ex hac Lerna. Sed fiat voluntas Dei et vestrae serenissimae majestatis.

Incidit in hoc congressu etiam illa mentio, quum diceret passa, saepe majestatem vestram pacem ab imperatore Turcarum petiisse, nunquam tamen integre per nostrates fuisse servatam; et sicut semper nostra, ut ajebat, culpa fuerit violata, ita majora damna semper ab eis accepimus, quam intulimus; quod pro­ [76] cul dubio divino judicio factum esse asseverabat, et ut a longo tempore causarum ejusmodi, inquiebat, re­cordemur: Nonne, primum quum nos pacem et ami­citiam vobiscum facere volebamus, vos, dedita opera, uni oratori nostro nasum et aures praecidistis, et sic deturpatum in contemptum imperatoris nostri et no­strum omnium remisistis? quam injuriam quum nos vindicare vellemus, nonne pro uno homine afflicto et Belgradum amisistis et regem et regnum? Post, non servatis induciis quinquennalibus, quando Transsyl­vaniam et Themesvarum recepistis, nonne longe plura etiam tune amisistis, quam lucrati sitis? resti­tuente nobis Deo Maximo etiam arcem Beche, in qua nos dudum jam religionis nostrae ritus constituera­mus, et pro qua recipienda tamdiu laboraveramus. Quas ob res, nisi etiam nunc rex vester potentiam imperatoris nostri non considerabit et ejus petitionem neglexerit, caveat ut longe plura amittat, quam hac­tenus amisit, et Viennam etiam occupemus.

Ad haec nos et paucis et modeste respondimus: Oratores regem nostrum non consuevisse membris mutilare, sed honeste tractare et dimittere, quorum­cunque fuissent principum. Caeterum, etsi audivimus, aliquando casum hujus oratoris vestri, non tamen tempore regis nostri Ferdinandi factum est hoc, sed tempore Ludovici regis, quanquam ipso rege Ludo­vico et suo consilio prorsus inscio, et non per alios sed per quosdam viles et furiosos homines; semper­que id regem nostrum improbasse. De petitione vero arcis Beche ad regem nostrum dicere nihil non per­tinet, vix enim eam ad manus accepit, quum mox amiserit. Verum et in hoc regina Isabella cum Petro Petrowith accusanda est, quae nunquam eam arcem [77] restituere imperatori voluerit, mille practicas et com­menta quaesivit, ut ea in re imperatori non gratifica­retur; nec ob id vel sinistro aspectu molestatur, et in­super etiam donis et gratia afficitur. Regi nostro si id contumaciae opponi potuisset, nihil haberetur hostilius.

Quae objectiones, clementissime rex, quid pon­deris habeant in se, et quo videantur tendere, vestrae majestatis consilii est. Nos tantum malum eorum ani­mum erga majestatem vestram perspicimus et osten­dimus.

Interrogavit etiam nos passa in divano: petere­musne pacem etiam nomine Caroli imperatoris (Spa­gnam ipsi appellant), num et ipse velit in hac pace includi? Respondimus, pacem nos petere solius sere­nissimi regis nostri nomine;[7] nec ex parte caesareae majestatis habere ullum mandatum, quam quod si po­tentissimus imperator ostenderit se benevolum et li­beralem in charissimum fratrem suum, serenissimum regem nostrum, non esse dubitandum, ejus etiam cae­saream majestatem amicitiore cogitatione atque ani­mo futuram erga imperatorem potentissimum. Et quia dum haec verba paucis absolvissemus, passa etiam alia coepit loqui, sic et nos de hoc conticuimus. [78]

In horto postea, quum postremo cum passa fui­mus, interrogavit nos: cur anno superiore Carolus imperator non pugnavit cum rege Franciae? Respon­dimus: ejus majestatem caesaream nondum gerendis bellis esse fatigatam; caeterum duo eum detinuisse: primum, quod abhorret a fundendo Christianorum sanguine; alterum: quod habuerit respectum ad ae­tatem regis illius adhuc juvenis, quem etiam in filium acceptaverat, prout ipse sese tunc temporis obtulerat, et mutua quaedam amicitia per primos eos annos vi­guit inter eos, quamquam ex parte regis Galliae si­mulata, donec pecuniam cumularet, et quae pater prodigerat, restitueret. Tandem praeparatis ad bel­lum necessariis et succensa quadam factione in Italia, caesare nostro nihil tale cogitante, bellum illi movit, idque non tam sua causa, quam ut paternam captivi­tatem et tot profligationes ab imperatore nostro ac­ceptas vindicaret. Verum frustra omnia. Nuncque quanta Gallo eripuerit, Gallos ipsos interrogate. Au­scultavit haec passa omnia, nihil certe respondit, nisi quaedam de urbe Africa, quae si Turcae gratia de­moliebatur aut reddebatur, quum ipsi postulabant, multum majestatis vestrae etiam rebus profuisset, quantum ex crebra hic mentione cognovimus. De qua tamen Africa nos tacemus, quum dominus Joannes Maria melius de ea loqui poterit.

Ibidem et illud accidit, ut quum passa saepius inculcaret Pueri pietatem et quod non debuisset maje­stas vestra illum e Transsylvania excludere, dicere­mus, non esse adeo absolute regem nostrum hac in re accusandum, caeterum si liceret rem jure et justi­tia mediante gerere, et non esset ferrum imperatoris in medio, cognosceret potentissimus imperator, nihil [79] ad Puerum nec de Hungaria nec de Transsylvania quicquam pertinere, uti ne ad patrem quidem perti­nuit, qui, ultra quod filium suum sponte sua succes­sione privavit, ipse quoque malis artibus homo no­vus, et toti nobilitati hungarae odio habitus, in regnum irrepserat. Sed quia ad coronam nullum jus legiti­mum habuit, frameae potentissimi imperatoris gratias agere debuit, quia nisi ea adjutus fuisset, in exilio procul dubio polonico sepulcrum habuisset. Verum quia omnia sunt virorum fortium, scitque rex noster serenissimus, quantas jam vires ipse imperator habet in Hungaria, cognoscitque ejus magnitudinis fortunam et erga se amicitiam, tuam illustrissimam dominatio­nem rogamus, ut patiare exorari. Hoc enim tempore erat sermo de colonis; tuncque e sedibus nostris ex­surgentes et rogantes, ut petitionibus nostris assenti­ret, affectum ostendimus prope rhetoricum. Nec id incassum. Quia ubi nos cessavimus et jussi sumus denuo assidere, concessit colonorum — quod peteba­mus — utrobique solutionem, prout jam superius di­ctum est.

Nec est, quod huic actioni nostrae addamus, quam supplebit coram dominus Joannes Maria; tan­tummodo majestas vestra, omissis aliis, quibus non est ad praesens occasio, statuat de Transsylvania, quod ei melius videbitur. Et quaecunque in reditu domini Joannis Mariae per nos loqui atque agere vo­luerit et mandaverit, omnia de nobis sibi generose polliceatur, quae de fidelissimis servitoribus expe­ctari debent.

Clementissime rex, hoc obliti fuimus in actione nostra ascribere, quod ultimo loco passae Ahmat por­reximus in hunc modum, nobis ab eo porrecta causa, [80] ut in exordio apparet, cupidi et hoc tentare, prout dicebat saepius nobis de remissione aliquarum par­tium hine et inde facienda. „Quoniam heri, illustris­sime domine passa, dominatio vestra fecit nobis men­tionem, ut, si rex noster restitueret Joannis regis fi­lio Transsylvaniam pro voluntate imperatoris poten­tissimi, nos etiam aliqua de aliis rebus a sua magni­tudine peteremus, dicens, quod concordia et pax, pro qua agimus, facilius componi posset, si hoc pacto utraque pars aliquid alteri concederet et remitteret. Si itaque, posito casu, rex noster juxta voluntatem magnitudinis imperatoris restituet Transsylvaniam Joannis filio, haec sunt, quae nos pro judicio nostro concedenda a sua magnitudine regi nostro esse existi­mamus, praeter ea quae majestas ejus ad haec est fortasse petitura, quum nos ejus mentem circa hujus­modi omnino adhuc non intelligimus. Ideoque nihil affirmative de his loquimur tractamusque, sed posito casu, ut jam supra dictum est, si sic fieri per suam majestatem contingeret, peteremus itaque:

Ut sola cum solitis et antiquis suis finibus Trans­sylvania detur Joannis filio.

Ut si Joannis filium sine liberis masculis mori contingeret, rege nostro superstite et suis filiis, ma­gnitudo imperatoris potentissimi dignetur esse con­tenta, ut ei in possessionem Transsylvaniae rex no­ster succedat, regi vero nostro serenissimi ejus filii, conservato tamen cum magnitudine sua confoedera­tionis vinculo et honorariorum munerum pensione.

Ut Varadinum, Gyula, cum reliquis arcibus et locis in Hungaria ultra Tibiscum existentibus, quae nunquam ab initio regni pertinuerunt ad Transsylva­niam, regi nostro permittantur, quo facilius Hunga­ [81] riae tributum pendi possit, postquam ejus majestati non restituuntur partes regni, quae proximo bello fue­runt occupatae.

Ut propter ejusmodi ditionum regis nostri dimi­nutionem tributum quoque diminuatur, et summa ejus sit deinceps decem et Septem millium ducatorum.

Ut pro Hungaria concedantur regi nostro indu­ciae quinque annorum. Eas postea liceat utrique parti augere.

Ut omnes subditi et coloni tam imperatoris po­tentissimi quam regis nostri, qui hactenus utrique parti solverunt census ac decimas, et exhibuerunt servitia, in posterum etiam eodem modo praefatos census ac decimas solvant, et exhibeant servitia.

Ut arces Fylek et Salygo cum omnibus suis et alienis bonis ac possessionibus, bombardis et muni­tionibus sub praesentibus induciis occupatis dignetur imperator potentissimus regi nostro reddi facere.

Ut etiam captivos Agrienses, Ujvarienses et omnes alios, qui sub dictis induciis praesentibus tam in aliis partibus Hungariae, quam in Sclavonia, Croa­tia, et circa oram maritimam Segniae et alibi capti sunt, magnitudo sua dignetur suae majestati reddi fa­cere, qui sunt multo plures quam quingenti.

Ut pro his captivis restituendis magnitudo sua dignetur ad dominos passam Budensem, Themesva­rensem, Bosnensem, et zangziacchos Clissiensem et Poseganum mandata dare, et jubere ne secus faciant.

Ut etiam magnitudo sua pro sua in regem no­strum liberalitate et benevolentia, et pro majore tum pacis firmitudine tum miserorum subditorum quiete arces in Hungaria Zolnok, Zechen, Dregely, Ves­prim, Wytam, Geztes et Hollokew, et in Sclavonia MONUM. HUNG, V. 6 [82] Cyasma et Iwancz destrui ac demoliri juberet, si ne­queunt ejus majestati restitui, quod eadem sua maje­stas curabit omni gratitudine magnitudini suae com­pensare.

Ut postremo omnes illae possessiones et comita­tus, qui ante praesentes inducias non solverunt cen­sus, neque exhibuerunt subditis suae magnitudinis servitia, sed noviter sub praefatis induciis ad ejus­modi solutiones compulsi sunt, denuo a tali solutio­num et servitiorum onere liberentur, ne miseri coloni opprimantur, et ut illis, quorum fuerunt, libere per­mittantur.

Et si res de Transsylvania consequeretur, ut su­pra diximus, posito casu, optamus de bis nunc fieri certiores, ut ad majestatem regiam per dominum col­legam nostrum nunc referemus. Quibus cognitis, for­tasse alio animo speraremus futurum, quam si nihil poterimus ex parte vestra ejus majestati polliceri".

Responsum est ad haec quoque turbulentius: quod nimia essent et prorsus absurda, nec posse fieri, ac similia, quemadmodum dominus collega noster re­feret.

Unde ex bis quoque majestas vestra poterit, percipere, omnia nos tentasse, et nil aliud in eis in­venisse quam obstinatam pertinaciam. [8]

Fußnoten

[1] A felíras Faustus kezétől, de ki az 1555-diki évet hibásan veti utá, na, mert a jelentés 1553. september elején kelt. Etsi nos omnia — irák sept. 9. én Verancsics és Zay a királynak — quae hactenus egi­mus apud principem, sufficienter putemus in adjuncto actionis li­bello ad majestatem vestram perscripsisse etc.

[2] 1553. september elején.

[3] Malvezzi.

[4] *) Olvashatlan szó. Az egész szakasz Verancsics kezével, mintegy fo­galmazás nélkül, papirosra vetve.

[5] Értsd: Ibrahimon és Hajderen kivül Amhád is, kivel, mint fe­lebb láttuk, már azelőtti nap szólottak volt.

[6] Következő levél kíséretében, melyet Verancsics előbb irományai közé iktatott s aztán kitörlött, de melynek közlését jegyzékké­pen, helyén láttuk. Antonius Verancius et Franciscus Zay Hru­stano passae primario S. Quoniam sunt quaedam res peculiariter considerandae, quae ad hanc nostram pacem perficiendam restant, eos tibi, passa amplissime, transscribere voluimus, ut de hiis quo­que prius tractetur ac deliberetur, quam Joannes Maria Malve­nus collega noster discedat. Id autem propterea facimus, ut si in his etiam rebus esset aliquid, quod regi nostro non concedi posset, per eundem Joannem Mariam majestati ejus nuncietur. Te ita­que vehementer petimus et oramus, ut postquam plura alia non illi conceduntur, haec saltem non denegentur, quandoquidem et in priore pace haec fuere concessa, et in bae praesenti si etiam concedentur, nihil imperatori tuo decedet. Hoc autem patrocinium rex noster potissimum abs te expectat, ut ab eo, quem sibi ami­cissimum putat. Vale. Vigesimaoctava Augusti, 1553. Constan­tinopoli.

[7] „Articuli pacis quinque annorum, quae inter magnitudinem impe­ratoris Turcarum, zulthani Zuliman ac Asiae Graeciae princi­pis, et serenissimum Romanorum, Hungariae, Bohemiae regem Ferdinandum renovata" cím alatt a cs. k. államlevéltárban. Hammer, III. 359.

[8] M’a ce été grand plaisir d’entendre — irá 1553. julius 8. án Brüsszelből Ferdinándnak Károly — que le Turc ait accordé suspension d’armes pour traiter la trève, ne faisant doute, que en cette négociation vous ferez tenir le respect requis pour solli­citer, s’il est possible, que notre saint père le pape, le roi de Portugal, moi, mes royaumes et pays, et autres nos confédérés et amis y soyons compris, moyennant ratification dans temps compétant; doutant assez, que le dit Turc ne voudrait entrer avec moi en plus particulière négociation d’accord, si ce que se traiterait avec moi, dût être du consentement des Français; qu’ est la cause, qu’ il ne me semble être beaucoup requis que je y envoie, ni que j’ entre avec le dit Turc en plus particu­lière negociation, ne fut que de ce, que traiteront vos gens, l’ on voit, qu’ il resulta chose, qui donne autre fondement pour pou­voir esperer que l’ on dût tirer plus de fruit de la négociation". Lanz, Correspondenz des K. Karl V. Lipese, 1846, III. k. 576. 1.

[9] Verancsics s egy helytt Zay által javított, megtoldott titoknoki minutából, melyből a Bécsbe ment jelentés leiratott. Ez még ma is megvan a cs. k. államlevéltárban, Verancsicson és Zayn ki­vül Malvezzi altal is alaírva, ily címmel: Actio Antonii Veran­cii, Francisci Zayi et Joannis Mariae Malvezzi oratorum S. I. R. Majestatis apud principem Turcarum anno 1553 mense Au­gusto habita. Hammer, III. 328.

[66]

XXX. Vrančić× i Zay kralju Ferdinandu. 1. rujna 1553.

PRVE AKTIVNOSTI U CARIGRADU

Prejasno i Presveto Kraljevsko Veličanstvo, Preblagi naš Gospodine!

Čim smo krenuli iz Budima, dali smo se na put hitro i s velikom revnošću, ne prepuštajući se odmoru ni jednoga jedinog dana. Naposljetku smo, s pomoću Božjom i bez ikakve ugroze za svoju sigurnost te bez ikakve štete za stvari Vašeg Veličanstva i naše vlastite, 25. kolovoza 1553. stigli u Carigrad. Drugi su taj put običavali prevaljivati za 35 dana.[1] Tamo nas je primilo nekoliko čauša,[2] aga[3] i dvojica dragomana,[4] koji su nam bili poslani ususret.

Doznavši za naš dolazak, ondje nas je već očekivao sultan,[5] koji, što je izvan svake sumnje, nije htio krenuti na Kazul-pašu[6] prije negoli dozna hoće li s [67] [68] Vašim Veličanstvom sklopiti mir. Stoga nas je istoga dana kad smo doputovali želio saslušati Rustem-paša.[7] Tog smo dana ipak malo predahnuli, oprali prašinu s puta i pobrinuli se za prtljagu, pa je audijencija održana idućega dana.

Budući da je gospodin Giovanni Maria Malvezzi[8] u znak pokornosti boravio u kućnom pritvoru te nismo mogli doći do njega bez pašina dopuštenja, smjesta smo gospodinu paši poslali molbu da nam dopusti vidjeti ga jer je po nalogu Kraljevskog Veličanstva i on naš suradnik, o čemu svjedoče i naše vjerodajnice. To smo uspjeli isposlovati te je doskora pozvan k nama. Izvijestili smo ga o svojoj zadaći i željama Vašeg Veličanstva. Istovremeno smo se s njime posavjetovali te od njega prvoga zatražili savjet o tome kako da provedemo u djelo zadaću koja je dodijeljena našem poslanstvu.

Na tome se nismo dugo zadržavali jer je bilo malo vremena za savjetovanje zbog skorog sultanova odlaska, koji je bio predviđen za 28. dan mjeseca kolovoza. Rekao nam je kako se čini da će biti vrlo teško, štoviše i opasno, zatražiti natrag čitavo kraljevstvo ili njegove dijelove koji su oduzeti prošle godine, a posebice Transilvaniju.[9] Budući da je dobro poznavao njihove stavove, na što su nas na putu bili upozoravali i mnogi drugi, kazao je kako će se paša pobrinuti da, ako želimo očuvati mir, ne tražimo natrag [69] [70] Transilvaniju. Kad smo stigli u Carigrad, paša nam je po sultanovu tumaču Ibrahimu poručio i naložio da govorimo s dužnom ozbiljnošću jer, ako i jednom jedinom riječju budemo spomenuli potraživanja u vezi s Transilvanijom, ne samo što nećemo dobiti primirje nego će sultan na svaki mogući način nastojati sklopiti mir s Kazul-pašom i potom krenuti na Ugarsku. Taj razlog ne bismo smjeli uzeti olako jer je sultan i napravio stanku očekujući glasnogovornike Vašeg Veličanstva.

Da tu prijetnju treba uzeti ozbiljno, upozorio nas je najprije gospodin Giovanni Maria, a potom i ostali, jer je Rustem-paša i inače želio sklopiti savez s Kazul-pašom i povesti rat na Ugarsku, što je savjetovao i caru. To bi se od cara moglo lako isposlovati ako se na to navede savjetima supruge[10] i molbama kćeri[11] te ako ne drži da mu je Kazul-paša nanio tešku i sramotnu nepravdu koju je nepokolebljivo odlučio osvetiti vlastitim mačem. O tome smo nadugačko razgovarali s Giovannijem Marijom, za koga [71] ne sumnjamo da je nadasve vjeran Vašem Veličanstvu. Naime, sve što nam je on bio prenio o Turcima, ispričali su nam i potvrdili i ostali.

Ondje smo se zadržali čitav dan i sljedeću noć ne bismo li nadošli na kakvu probitačnu zamisao o tome što da radimo i na koji način da zatražimo primirje kada nam nije dopušteno odstupiti ni od prvog, ni od drugog, ni od trećeg dijela naputaka koje smo dobili. Naposljetku, bojali smo se da u tako opasnoj situaciji, tražeći natrag čitavo kraljevstvo ili oduzete krajeve i neprestano se zalažući za Transilvaniju, sultanu ne damo povoda da, umjesto s Kazul-pašom, zarati s Ugarskom. Da bi se to vrlo lako moglo dogoditi, postalo nam je jasno već na početku pregovora jer smo vrlo lako zaključili da će nam, kad nam je već unaprijed onemogućeno da tražimo Transilvaniju, biti zabranjeno tražiti i ono za što smo se nadali da bismo najprije mogli postići. Oslanjajući se tako na pretposljednji članak svojih naputaka, pripremili smo se što smo bolje i uvjerljivije mogli kako se ne bismo vratili praznih [72] ruku i kako bismo otklonili opasnost koja nam je prijetila. Svoje smo brige prepustili Bogu, koji će se zasigurno, u to ne treba sumnjati, uskoro bolje pobrinuti za poslove Vašeg Veličanstva tijekom ovoga kratkog primirja nego da je nama odobren vječni mir. Kako smo se dosad uvjerili, nedvojbeno je da se taj mir, unatoč čvrstoj i iskrenoj zamolbi, neće podijeliti nikome od kršćanskih vladara koji ratuju s tim narodom, a ponajmanje Vašem Veličanstvu, čiji i najmanji pokret smatraju najvećom povredom. Sjećanje na davne omraze vrlo je, naime, snažno.

Odlučili smo i da, kada budemo tražili mir kako je navedeno na posljednjem mjestu u našim naputcima, iskušamo drugačije moliti kako bismo Vaše Veličanstvo uveli u milost ovog vladara i gospodina paše. Dok ih obojicu svim silama budemo uvjeravali u dobrohotnost Vašeg Veličanstva, uzgred bismo spomenuli i druge ciljeve našega poslanstva kako bismo izvidjeli što će odgovoriti.

Upućujući sultanu molbu na opisani način, uvjerili bismo ga da Vaše Veličanstvo, kako stoji na početku naših naputaka, od dana kada je počelo njegovati prijateljstvo prema sultanu pa sve do danas, gaji prema njemu postojanu i dobru volju. Usto iskazuje želju ne samo obnoviti prijateljstvo nego ga i učiniti još dubljim i snažnijim. Budući da se Vaše Veličanstvo uvjerilo u prijateljstvo premoćnog sultana i zaštitu paše, mi tražimo mir u ime Vašeg Veličanstva koji bi i sam sultan zasigurno htio odobriti jer je, i po njegovu mišljenju, u svim svojim stavkama vrijedan njegove dozvole. To nam je savjetovao i sam paša, u čiju je dobrohotnost Vaše Veličanstvo do te mjere uvjereno da nema tako važne stvari koju mu se ne bi usudilo povjeriti. Stoga neka se paša udostoji i Vašem Veličanstvu u toj stvari pokloniti povjerenje i pomoći mu svojim savjetom. To su bile najvažnije stavke molbe za mir, koju smo potom u razgovoru razradili i dopunili različitim prijedlozima i argumentima, kako će Vas usmeno izvijestiti gospodin Giovanni Maria.

Pošto smo, dakle, sve to dogovorili na opisani način, dana 26. kolovoza poslije podne odvedeni smo k Rustem-paši. On nas je primio privatno, bez javnog sjaja svojeg dvora, ali uz počasti. Naložio nam je da sjednemo i govorimo bez posrednika. Pošto smo ga službeno pozdravili, pružili smo mu [73] vjerodajnicu i darove, zajedno s Hasan-begom.[12] Potom smo iznijeli pripremljeni uvod. On ga je dobrohotno saslušao i prihvatio te zahvalio Vašem Veličanstvu na pozdravima, darovima i Hasan-begu.

Poslije toga, jedva pažljivo saslušavši početak govora, ispruženom nam je rukom odmah dao znak da zašutimo i rekao da, ako želimo mir, ne spominjemo Transilvaniju. Ako nam je, pak, naloženo da je zatražimo, bolje je da svoje poslanstvo više i ne spominjemo. U tom smo slučaju, naime, uzalud došli. Nismo ni trebali doći jer je sultan odlučio i potvrdio zakletvom da se Transilvanija prepusti Ivanovu sinu.[13] Ako kralj u tom pogledu ne udovolji sultanu, nikada neće osigurati njegovo prijateljstvo, kao ni mir. Osim toga, nedostojno je dječaka, kojega je sultanu povjerio njegov otac i kojega već dugo ima u skrbništvu, tako nepravedno tjerati iz njegove domovine, štoviše i prisvajati tu pokrajinu koja će ionako biti sultanova.

Tako teška upadica nadvila se nad nas poput sjene. Izrazom lica i načinom govora pokazujući skromnost, rekli smo mu da ne želimo učiniti ništa što bi moglo uvrijediti premoćnog sultana ili Njegovo Uzvišeno Gospodstvo. Međutim, nikako ne možemo prešutjeti ono što nam je naloženo kazati jer su govornici sredstva pomoću kojih odsutni vladari međusobno razgovaraju o svojim poslovima. Uostalom, ako Njegovo Uzvišeno Gospodstvo ne želi da tražimo Transilvaniju, neka nam barem (to ga molimo) ne zabrani govoriti o onome o čemu bismo ga željeli detaljnije izvijestiti. Kada bi bio obaviješten o tome kako doista stoje stvari, shvatio bi da se oni koji svojim lažima i izmišljotinama optužuju našeg kralja zapravo nastoje iskupiti od kazne za vlastiti zločin nanoseći štetu drugome.

Nije nam to dopustio, premda smo se često na to nastojali vratiti kako bismo ga potaknuli da govori. Jedva nam je dopustio otvoriti usta, stalno odgovar- [74] ajući kako nam je više puta rekao da ne govorimo o Transilvaniji. Tada smo se međusobno malo posavjetovali što da činimo. Pitali smo jedan drugoga čemu se možemo nadati u vezi s čitavom Ugarskom kad nam je zabranjeno govoriti čak i o Transilvaniji. Budući da smo imali malo vremena da promijenimo sadržaj izlaganja i tražimo povoljniji trenutak, bili smo prisiljeni iznova se vratiti na tu temu jer je idućeg dana sultan u pratnji paše odlazio na put. Osim toga, Rustem nije podnosio odugovlačenje i činilo se da je postao vrlo zlovoljan. Rekao je da je sultan već pripravio svoju vojsku i poslao izaslanike paši Kasulu da zatraže mir. Sultan je, naime, čvrsto odlučio napasti Ugarsku, što će zasigurno i učiniti ako ga on ne odgovori od te odluke. Kazao je potom da je odluka o ratu i miru u rukama našeg kralja: ako Transilvaniju ne vrati dječaku, doći će do rata, a ako je vrati, dobit će mir koji će vrijediti samo za one dijelove kraljevstva koje ima u svojem posjedu. O ostalome nismo ništa govorili jer po turskom zakonu[14] nije dopušteno opozvati ništa od onoga za što vjeruju da je u skladu s Božjom voljom i na što su se zavjetovali svome Proroku.

Potom smo donijeli odluku da krenemo od uvodnog dijela svojih naputaka. Stoga smo rekli da Vaše [75] Veličanstvo već vrlo dugo neprekidno razmišlja o tome da sklopi prijateljstvo s velikim turskim vladarom te da bi zato s njime željelo sklopiti petogodišnji mir. Kao uvod u taj mir, koji bi poslije trebao postati još obuhvatnijim i dugotrajnijim, sada bismo, dodali smo, iznijeli malo opsežnije obrazloženje kako bi Njegovoj Visosti[15] sve bilo jasnije. Premda su mir prije dogovorenog roka raskinule neke osobe koje s najvećom revnošću redovito nastoje pomutiti jedinstvo i slogu između premoćnog sultana i Vašeg Veličanstva,[16] Vaše Veličanstvo i dalje je ostalo sklono Njegovoj Visosti,[17] kao što je i sada. Ono, naime, ne želi ništa drugo nego da se raskinuti mir ne samo iznova sklopi već i učini još obuhvatnijim i čvršćim. Ako su u tome suglasni i Vaše Veličanstvo i Njegova Visost, podložnici i kmetovi na objema stranama po čitavoj Ugarskoj napokon bi mogli malo počinuti i odahnuti od tolikih nevolja.

Dodali smo da je zato Vaše Veličanstvo bilo ponukano Njegovoj Visosti poslati izaslanike koji bi pregovarali o obnovi mira i zaključili mirovni sporazum. Budući da je zbog tih pregovora trebalo dogovoriti primirje radi prekida neprijateljstava na zajedničkim granicama i sigurnosti poslanika koje je trebalo odaslati u Visoku portu Njegove Visosti, Vaše Veličanstvo zatražilo je mir posredstvom Ali-paše.[18] Potom smo kazali da Vaše Veličanstvo zahvaljuje što je Njegova Visost pristala na primirje koje je isposlovao gospodin paša, te je poslalo izaslanike koje je bilo dužno poslati. Mi smo, naime, ti poslanici kojima je Vaše Veličanstvo dalo potpune i trajne ovlasti [76] da vode pregovore s Njegovom Visosti o uvjetima mirovnog sporazuma, koji ne bi oduzeli ništa od ugleda Vašeg Veličanstva, a usto bi bili pravični i prihvatljivi za Njegovu Visost, u što se Njegova Visost može uvjeriti iz vjerodajnice.

Namjeravali smo izložiti još mnogo više slijedeći dane nam naputke jer nas je paša počeo pažljivije slušati čim smo mu rekli da Vaše Veličanstvo od premoćnog sultana traži mir i prijateljstvo. Ne očekujući daljnje izlaganje i, štoviše, odajući nestrpljenje i nevoljkost da nastavi slušati, paša nas je prekinuo i rekao da će njegov vladar u potpunosti pristati na sklapanje mira s Vašim Veličanstvom i zaboraviti sve davne razloge za mržnju sve dok ono[19] ne traži Transilvaniju i područja koja je dosad prisvojilo. Što se tiče ostaloga, udijelit će nam mir kakav god tražili.

Na to smo odgovorili da je nemoguće zabranjivati poslanicima da nešto traže i uopće da govore jer je riječ o njihovoj časti i glavi ako za vladare ne izvrše ono zbog [77] čega su poslani, odnosno ono što su dobili zadaću izvršiti. Zamolili smo, dakle, pašu da govorimo o svemu i da nakon toga Njegovo Presvijetlo Gospodstvo i Njegova Visost sultan naprave ono što im se čini najprimjerenijim.

Nije nam to dopustio, nego je rekao ono što stalno ponavlja, a to je da uzalud govorimo jer i on i njegov vladar znaju što ćemo reći. Uostalom, car[20] se zakleo da Transilvanija neće biti ničija doli dječakova.[21] Čak i da nema dječaka, njegov vladar drži velikom nepravdom da mu se na taj način otima pokrajina koju je vlastitim mačem zadobio prije trideset godina,[22] te ne može mirovati dok je ona u tuđoj vlasti.

Na to smo rekli da Vaše Veličanstvo nije ni silom, ni na prijevaru, ni na štetu njegova sultana prisvojilo tu pokrajinu, nego ju je iznova preuzelo nakon predaje[23] (pritom smo u nekoliko riječi izložili tijek čitave stvari i svim silama nastojali da ono što nismo smjeli izreći u svojoj molbi kažemo usput i posredno, kao da je riječ o nečemu drugome). Preuzimajući Transilvaniju, Vaše Veličanstvo ni na koji se način nije ogriješilo o njegova vladara niti je povrijedilo Ivanova sina, nego je krivnja ponajprije na dječakovu ocu, zatim na njegovoj majci te naposljetku na onima kojima je bila povjerena briga o dječaku. Kad smo vidjeli da je paša malo zašutio, iznijeli smo čitavu priču o tome kako je sklopljen mir između Vašeg Veličanstva i Ivana,[24] kako su u tom sporazumu dogovorene odredbe kojima je on[25] sina lišio nasljedstva, kako je kraljica odlučila predati Budim Vašem Veličanstvu, a što je očito bilo usmjereno protiv nepobjedivoga sultana, kako Vam je poslala krunu iz Transilvanije i sa sinom se predala u Vašu vjernost i zaštitu te se za [78] klela da ubuduće neće ništa poduzimati da bi vratila Transilvaniju i da će nastojati smekšati sina dokle se god njoj i sinu bude davalo ono što je dogovoreno s njegovim ocem.[26] Paša ne treba sumnjati da je Vaše Veličanstvo sve to napravilo uz goleme novčane troškove, zadovoljivši čak i Petra Petrovića, kako je on sam želio.[27]

Ovome smo pridodali ponešto i o lažnim optužbama Petra Petrovića i nekih drugih ljudi upućenima na račun Vašeg Veličanstva, za koje smo netom doznali iz pisama. U njima se izražava bojazan da Vaše Veličanstvo, osim Transilvanije, ne preuzme i ne zloupotrijebi i njihove posjede. Kako paša ne bi povjerovao tim objedama, rekli smo da su lažne i izmišljene te da premoćnom sultanu ponajprije oslikavaju one koji su ga izdali i koji mu nisu bili zahvalni. Oni, naime, nemaju drugog načina da isprave svoje pogreške i isperu sa sebe zločin nego da svu krivnju prebace na Vaše Veličanstvo.

Ovo je bila zgodna prigoda da se to još opširnije razloži pred pašom kako bismo navukli omrazu na taj soj koji je težak i Vašem Veličanstvu i čitavu kršćanstvu.[28] Paša je, pak, to i sve ostalo smatrao nevažnim, kao da su bili odlučili u vezi s dječakovim slučajem ne uzimati u obzir nikakve razloge niti voditi računa o pravičnosti. Rekao je da sultan sve to zna, no pošto mu je dao tu pokrajinu te ga je, naposljetku, primio natrag u svoju milost, ni zbog kojih ga razloga više ne može napustiti.

Potom je rekao: „Ako vaš kralj zna da su Transilvanija i Ugarska u vlasti sultana, koji je najprije porazio kralja Ludovika,[29] a potom zauzeo Budim,[30] zašto se – s obzirom na to da je mudar i razborit te sultana, nastojeći zadobiti njegovo prijateljstvo, na- [79] ziva premoćnim i nepobjedivim – nije uplašio sultanovih snaga kada je varkom ili nepoštenjem pokušao prisvojiti Transilvaniju? I zašto, prije nego što je prihvatio da mu predaju Transilvaniju, nije najprije javio našem sultanu da mu žele dati Transilvaniju i pitao ga za savjet treba li je preuzeti ili ne? Zašto, nakon što ju je primio, nije odmah premoćnom sultanu poslao uobičajeni danak i za Ugarsku i za Transilvaniju te upitao sultana bi li potvrdio njegovu vlast u Transilvaniji i sklopio s njime prijateljstvo? Naime, prikladno vrijeme za traženje Transilvanije bilo je tada kada je sultan bio u neprijateljskim odnosima s kraljicom, Eremitom,[31] Petrovićem i Transilvancima, a ne sada kada je sultana za dječaka vezala njegova nezrela dob i nevinost, spoznaja i priznanje grijeha [80] svih ostalih koji ga okružuju te silno povjerenje koje čitava ta pokrajina polaže u njega? Nema sumnje da bi vaš kralj u tom slučaju naišao na veće sultanovo milosrđe, koje mu on sada ni na koji način ne može pružiti. Štoviše, ne bio ja taj koji jesam ako se i sam ne bih usudio o tome porazgovarati sa sultanom, tako mi predragog života!“

Da se Vaše Veličanstvo podložilo Turcima, što neka Bog otkloni, taj pašin prijedlog ne bi se činio posve nerazboritim. No budući da im nije priznalo podložnost, što mu ni nebesa ne bi dopustila, prilično smo se pomučili na to odgovoriti. Napokon smo sve sveli na povjerenje koje Vaše Veličanstvo gaji prema sultanu i pašinoj dobrostivosti te odgovorili da sluge i otpadnici sve čine iz straha, dok slobodnjaci i prijatelji to rade iz ljubavi i povjerenja. Kada je naš [81] kralj vidio da mu namjeravaju predati Transilvaniju i kada su ga neprestano putem glasnika i pisama nagovarali i poticali da je neodgodivo prihvati jer oklijevanje često našteti već pripravljenim stvarima, to je i učinio kako se ne bi činilo da je prezreo ponudu. Osim toga, premoćni je sultan bio daleko, a onima koji su mu htjeli predali Transilvaniju činilo se da će za tu pokrajinu biti jako loše ako je naš kralj smjesta ne pristane preuzeti. Usto, on je uvijek čvrsto vjerovao da to neće ozlojediti sultana, koji je bio ljutit zbog nezahvalnosti Ivanova potomstva, u čije je ruke predao tu pokrajinu kako bi za nju svake godine plaćali uobičajeni danak. Stoga nije propustio brojnim pismima smjesta obavijestiti sultana kako je i zašto preuzeo vlast nad Transilvanijom. Kako bi sultanovo prijateljstvo učinio dugotrajnijim, bio je pripravan svake godine plaćati čitav iznos danka koji je za posjedovanje plaćala i kraljica. Na njegova pisma nije bilo nikakva odgovora, a u međuvremenu je na granice Njegova Veličanstva s jedne strane s vojskom krenuo budimski paša, a s druge strane Kasim-beg[32] i ostali vojskovođe sa sultanovim četama, čime je Njegovu Veličanstvu oduzeta svaka mogućnost i nada u pregovore putem poslanika te mu je nametnuta briga za zaštitu vlastitih granica. Njegovo Veličanstvo posebice je ražalostila činjenica da su premoćni sultan, pa i sam gospodin paša, tako brzo dali prostora narušiteljima mira i spremno saslušali njihove objede. Da je u kojem slučaju naš prejasni kralj i jednim jedinim migom bio upozoren na to što o njemu misli Njegova Visost, i Njegova Visost i sam gospodin paša mogu biti uvjereni da se naš kralj na to ne bi oglušio niti bi na bilo koji način prezreo presvijetlu volju premoćnog sultana, u što se Njegova Visost može bjelodano osvjedočiti i na primjeru sadašnjeg izaslanstva.

[82] Unatoč našem traženju, na to nam je paša kratko odgovorio kao i prije, neprestano ponavljajući da to premudri kralj nije smio učiniti protiv volje premoćnog sultana, i pitao je zar Vaše Veličanstvo nije uza se imalo vjerne i razborite savjetnike koji bi ga od toga odgovorili. Naposljetku je rekao: „Uostalom, zaključujem kako je vaš kralj propustio sve prilike da zatraži i dobije Transilvaniju, a vi se uzalud trudite jer čak ni ja više bez pogibelji ne mogu o tome razgovarati sa sultanom.“

Kako je u tom razgovoru proteklo već gotovo sat vremena, činilo se da paša želi da se povučemo. Tada smo se međusobno pogledali, kimanjem glave i šapatom jedan drugome požalili na pašinu tvrdoglavost te krenuli na stvar. Najprije smo zatražili dopuštenje da ga još malo opteretimo razgovorom, a potom u ime Vašeg Veličanstva zahvalili što je tako dobrohotno s nama razgovarao. Naposljetku smo kazali:

„Pošto, presvijetli gospodine paša, nismo postigli ništa od onoga što bi omogućilo da zaživi bilo privremeni, bilo trajni mir između premoćnog sultana i našeg kralja, naš prejasni kralj od Visosti sultana traži bilo kakav mir koji bi Njegova Visost odobrila, a da je ujedno častan i prihvatljiv. Njegovo Veličanstvo ima toliko povjerenja u Njegovu Visost i toliko žudi za prijateljstvom i potpunim suglasjem s Njegovom Visosti da sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma u cijelosti prepušta njegovoj odluci kako bi zbunio one koji i dalje nastoje dovesti u sumnju njegove dobre namjere prema Njegovoj Visosti.

Na sličan se način naš prejasni kralj, nakon premoćnog sultana, utječe i dobrohotnosti Vašega Presvijetlog Gospodstva, tim više što Kraljevsko Veličanstvo dobro pamti sve ono što su mnogobrojni izaslanici i glasnici koje je prije držalo pri Visokoj porti Njegove Visosti govorili Njegovu Veličanstvu o izvrsnoj i uvijek vrlo očevidnoj volji i spremnosti gospodina paše da se založi i pobrine da se uspostavi čvrst i pouzdan mir, spokoj i prijateljstvo između Njegova Veličanstva i premoćnog sultana, kao i njihovih kraljevstava, posjeda, naroda i podanika. Pritom ne zaboravljamo da je i ovaj posljednji petogodišnji mir odobrila Njegova Visost na nagovor i poticaj Njegova Presvijetlog Gospodstva. Zbog Vašega truda i naklonosti naš prejasni kralj obećava da će Vašemu Presvijetlome Gospodstvu iskazivati svu moguću zahvalnost i da će pritom svakako voditi računa o Vašoj časti i koristi.

[83] Kada je Njegovo Veličanstvo nakanilo zatražiti mir od premoćnog sultana, naložilo nam je da to učinimo prema savjetu i uz pomoć Vašega Presvijetlog Gospodstva. Pritom nam je, štoviše, izričito naredilo da se, ako se premoćni sultan i ostala gospoda paše usprotive Njegovu Veličanstvu u vezi s odobravanjem ovoga mira ili nekih drugih stvari, uteknemo Vašem Presvijetlom Gospodstvu kao njegovu jedinom i najvjernijem zagovorniku i prijatelju koji mu je nadasve sklon, a nesumnjivo će mu jednaku sklonost iskazivati i ubuduće. Stoga ponizno molimo da nas Njegovo Presvijetlo Gospodstvo pomno uputi na koji bismo to način trebali učiniti.“

Paša se na to vidno razveselio jer smo mu pokazali koliko ga Vaše Veličanstvo cijeni želeći se osloniti na njegov savjet prilikom traženja mira. Osim toga, pritom nije spomenut nijedan dio kraljevstva, kao ni Transilvanija, za koju nas je u potpunosti uvjerio da je ne smijemo tražiti. Nato nam je u nekoliko rečenica odgovorio da je Vaše Veličanstvo dobro odlučilo kada je prepustilo odluku premoćnom sultanu i zatražilo njegov savjet. Budući da je paša uvijek bio prijateljem i zaštitnikom Njegova Veličanstva, a to želi biti i sada, u pogledu ovoga mirovnog sporazuma ne može mu dati bolji savjet od onoga koji bi dao i samome sebi. Sultan će ostaviti po strani i zaboraviti svu davnu mržnju, neprijateljstva i omraze te odobriti Vašem Veličanstvu novi mir i obnoviti stari ako se u sporazumu ne spominju Transilvanija i dijelovi koji pripadaju Ugarskoj. U pogledu ostaloga učinit će i odobriti sve što Vaše Veličanstvo želi kako bi sigurno i mirno moglo i nadalje ostati u onom dijelu kraljevstva koje drži u svojoj vlasti. Vaše Veličanstvo, osim toga, u budućnosti će uživati još obilnije plodove sultanova prijateljstva ako se pobrine da njegovi podanici čvrsto održavaju mir i ako ugodi Njegovoj Visosti prepuštajući joj Transilvaniju.

Ni nakon ovoga nismo u potpunosti digli ruke, nego smo tijekom sastanka i dalje iskušavali ono što smo mogli jer nismo imali dovoljno vremena i jer su se svi prisutni vrijeđali i na sam spomen Transilvanije. Stoga smo odustali od svega ostaloga i nastojali na svaki mogući način ishoditi Transilvaniju. Počeli smo nuditi darove Vašeg Veličanstva i sultanu i samome paši. Na to se nije odveć obazirao, već je zapovjedio da nam se odgovori kako njegov [84] vladar ništa ne radi zbog novca, nego samo poradi ugleda i slave te da smatra velikom sramotom to što je izbačen iz Transilvanije. Ako bi naš kralj za najmanji komadić transilvanske zemlje htio dati sve zlato i srebro koje ima u svojim kraljevstvima, ni tada ne bi uspio odvratiti sultana od njegove odluke. Njemu[33] je samome, pak, toliko važno mišljenje njegova gospodara kao da svaki dan pod uzglavljem pronalazi stotinu tisuća dukata.

S tim nas je riječima otpustio te smo od Rustem-paše krenuli k Ahmed-paši,[34] koji je idućeg dana trebao krenuti u Ugarsku. I njemu smo ponudili dar i predali onoliko koliko je od nas zatraženo. Toga dana više nismo mogli posjetiti ostale jer nas je zatekla noć.

Idućeg dana, 27. kolovoza, odvedeni smo u Divan[35] da nas ondje saslušaju sve paše i da nas primi sultan jer je u našu čast sazvan izvanredni Divan. Ondje nas je Rustem-paša vrlo pažljivo i redom ispitivao o svemu o čemu smo s njime privatno razgovarali a tiče se same stvari. Odgovorili smo mu isto što i prije, jedino što nas ovoga puta nije navodio na to da ne spominjemo Transilvaniju kao što nam je inače bio predlagao, uz obrazloženje da imamo pune ovlasti za pregovaranje i sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma te da će biti neobično ako nam ne bude dana prilika da to i učinimo, posebice stoga što nas je Njegovo Veličanstvo u svome pismu imenovalo svojim savjetnicima.

Kako nismo mogli drugačije izbjeći ovu poteškoću jer su svi naši odgovori i prijedlozi išli k tome da dragovoljno spomenemo Transilvaniju, naposljetku smo rekli kako je istina da smo savjetnici Vašeg Veličanstva, ali da znamo samo ono što nam se ono udostojilo priopćiti i da nemamo dopuštenje potpisati sve što se od nas ovdje traži, nego samo ono što neće biti na štetu Vašem Veličanstvu. Uostalom, Vaše Veličanstvo imalo je toliko silno povjerenje u premoćnog sultana i u dobrohotnost samoga gospodina paše da, kada nas je ovamo poslalo, nije uopće vjerovalo u to [85] da će mu biti uskraćena Transilvanija. Ne samo da nije vjerovalo nego nije čak ni pomislilo da će najmoćniji sultan toliko inzistirati na Transilvaniji. Stoga se toliko ustrajno, iskreno i postojano pouzdavalo u prijateljstvo i dobrohotnost Njegove Visosti te nam nije dopustilo donositi bilo kakve odluke o Transilvaniji, osim onoga što smo već više puta kazali. Čak i da smo imali neku tajnu zadaću u tom smislu, poslije tolikih zabrana i otvorenih zapovijedi da ne govorimo o toj pokrajini, kao i odluke da se Veličanstvu Našega Kralja uskrati sve ono što smo prethodno bili tražili, u potpunosti bismo prestali spominjati Transilvaniju. Budući da nam to nije naloženo, čak i da nam se radi o glavi, to ne bismo smjeli potpisati po želji premoćnog sultana. Stoga iskazujemo silnu zahvalnost Njegovoj Visosti i gospodinu paši što su pristali na mir koji će po našem mišljenju biti još draži Vašem Veličanstvu jer je sklopljen na savjet gospodina paše.

(Nećemo prešutjeti ni ono što se usput govorilo u Divanu jer to može pružiti jasniji uvid u prijateljske ili neprijateljske namjere ljudi. Usta, naime, mnogo puta govore o onome što se nakupilo u srcu. Dok je, [86] dakle, Vrančić× tijekom razgovora upućivao tumača što treba odgovoriti paši, paša se okrenuo Zayu:[36] „Znaš li“, pitao je, „hrvatski?“ „Znam“, odgovorio je Zay. „A tvoj kolega?“ Odgovorio je: „On također.“ Potom je pitao odakle su on i Vrančić×. Zay je odgovorio da je on Mađar, dok je Vrančić× Dalmatinac. Paša se začudio kako Zay tako dobro govori hrvatski jezik. Potom je dodao, dvaput ponovivši: „Vašemu se kralju ne može vjerovati, vašemu se kralju ne može vjerovati“, i zašutio. Zay je nato rekao: „Našem se kralju, gospodine paša, može vjerovati i čudim se što Vaše Presvijetlo Gospodstvo ima takvo mišljenje o našem kralju kada kralj nikada ne može izreći laž. Utoliko više to ne može učiniti naš kralj koji je najveći od svih kršćanskih kraljeva.“ Potom je upitao pašu što to ne vjeruje Vašem Veličanstvu. Tada će paša: „Zašto onda nije poštovao primirje?“ Zay je odgovorio: „Kralj je poštovao primirje. Ono nije narušeno i pre- [87] kršeno njegovom voljom, već iz zlobe onih koji nikako nisu željeli da najmoćniji sultan i moj kralj žive u slozi.“ Paša će potom: „Ti u to vjeruješ?“ „Ne samo da vjerujem“, rekao je Zay, „nego i pouzdano znam.“ Potom je objesio lice u znak žalosti i nezadovoljstva što je prisiljen strpljivo slušati takve stvari o svome vladaru, pa je paša prešao na drugu temu. No tada je Vrančić× rekao da ne zna hrvatski jer je htio izbjeći to da paša na hrvatskome govori o ozbiljnijim stvarima. Tek usput spominjemo što smo morali pretrpjeti zbog danih okolnosti.)

Za to smo vrijeme vrlo opširno obrazlagali različita druga pitanja. Budući da su nas stalno podbadali u vezi s Transilvanijom, a o njezinu prepuštanju nismo ništa određeno odgovarali, četvorica paša odvela su nas do sultana. To kako nas je sultan dobrostivo primio, prenijet će Vam usmeno gospodin Giovanni Maria. Kako su nam rekli sami Turci, sultan je s nama postupao mnogo ljubaznije negoli s poslanicima bilo kojeg vladara u proteklih mnogo godina, dopustivši da naši odgovori i izlaganje budu tri ili četiri puta duži nego što je uobičajeno. Mi to sami nismo mogli prosuditi, premda se činilo kako nije uobičajeno da sultan tako opširno razgovara s kršćanskim vladarima. Kako su nas uputili pojedini Turci i gospodin Giovanni Maria, sultan još sažetije govori kada obznanjuje svoju milost. Stoga je već na početku upitao pašu može li se na bilo koji način dopustiti sklapanje mira. O tome i o ostalome Vaše Presvijetlo Veličanstvo primjerenije će izvijestiti gospodin Giovanni Maria.

Pošto smo odvedeni od sultana, drugi nam je put naloženo da sjednemo u Divan. Ondje su nas iznova višekratno ispitivali o gotovo svemu onome o čemu je bilo riječi i prije, uključujući i ono što nismo imali u svojim naputcima. Bili smo prilično nepovjerljivi jer su nas, dok smo odgovarali, hvatali za riječ kako bismo im dali određeniji odgovor o blaženoj Transil­vaniji,[37] tim više što je paša, kad smo odlazili od sultana, nekome rekao da će učiniti čudo[38] kako bismo se vratili. To znači da će učiniti nešto čudno i neobično, kako nam je prenio tumač. Pošto je paša vidio da odgovaramo na sva pitanja i da se zbog toga nismo [88] uvrijedili i odustali od svoga nauma, reče: „Trebate znati da je na današnji dan premoćni sultan s vašim prejasnim kraljem obnovio mir, zanemarivši i zaboravivši svaku omrazu i sve razloge za neprijateljstvo, o čemu smo prethodno govorili. Mir se obnavlja na jednak način i pod jednakim uvjetima pod kojima je sklopljen prethodni mirovni sporazum koji je upravo istekao. To znači da se Njegovu Veličanstvu obećava da će mirno držati i posjedovati čitav dio ugarskog kraljevstva koji sada posjeduje ako uime premoćnog sultana prepusti Transilvaniju Ivanovu sinu. Kako vi nemate ovlasti pregovarati i donositi odluke u vezi s Transilvanijom, premoćni sultan želi da mu jedan od vas što prije donese odluku Njegova Kraljevskog Veličanstva. Htjeli bismo da onaj koji će otputovati s tom zadaćom bude Giovanni Maria, koji je dosad mnogo toga podnio za Njegovo Veličanstvo i kojemu je dobro i vjerno služio, kao što i sami možete posvjedočiti. Vas ćete ga dvojica u međuvremenu ovdje čekati. Pišite, dakle, i posavjetujte svojeg kralja da u toj stvari udovolji želji premoćnog sultana ako se i ubuduće namjerava utjecati njegovu prijateljstvu radije negoli neprijateljstvu. Ponukajte ga, povrh toga, da Giovannija Mariju pošalje ovamo sa svojom odlukom o dotičnom pitanju i neka mu naloži da i dalje kod nas obnaša poslaničku dužnost jer ne želimo nijednoga drugog izaslanika. Vas, pak, otpušta u miru i uza sve počasti.“

Također je bilo riječi o vječnome miru na koji bi se obvezali sinovi i potomci obaju vladara, i to na sljedeći način. Naime, sukladno s naputcima imali smo zadaću tražiti šestogodišnje primirje ako bi Vašem Veličanstvu predali Lippu,[39] Solymos[40] i Szolnok.[41] Ako ne bi bili voljni predati ništa, onda bismo primirje tražili samo na nekoliko godina, kako stoji u sljedećem članku naputaka. Kada smo vidjeli i shvatili da nemaju namjeru predati Vašem Veličanstvu nijedno od zauzetih mjesta, a i paša se, povrh toga, protivio obnovi istekloga mirovnog sporazuma ili sklapanju primirja, u svojoj revnosti nismo prelazili rok od pet godina. Stoga smo odmah rekli da će Vaše Veličan- [89] stvo biti zadovoljno mirom u trajanju od pet godina, tim više što će se nakon povratka Giovannija Marije rok moći ili skratiti ili produžiti, ovisno o željama Vašeg Veličanstva. Tako je, naime, obećao i paša. Glede spomenutog roka paša je upitao zašto spomenuti mir ne bismo radije tražili do smrti jednog od vladara. Izgledao je sumnjičavo jer je s podsmijehom rekao kako mu se čini da tražimo malo predaha dok se ne pripremi novi rat. Odgovorili smo drukčije nego što se možda nadao. Rekli smo da je Vaše Veličanstvo zatražilo mir koji je sultan odobrio, a budući da je obećao obnoviti stari mirovni sporazum, mi se nismo ni trudili tražiti duži jer se ovaj uvijek može produžiti ako bi tako odgovaralo objema stranama. „Uostalom, gospodine paša, neka Vaše Presvijetlo Gospodstvo znade da bismo došli tražiti ili dati vječni mir koji bi trajao za života Vašeg ili našeg vladara, pa čak i njihove djece i čitavoga potomstva, da nam je dopušteno od vas zatražiti nešto od onoga što ste pokorili svojim oružjem. Tako se, naime, ražaruju i učvršćuju velika pomirenja i velika prijateljstva koja bi Vašem caru i ubuduće bila na veliku čast i na još veću korist jer bi tada počasni darovi koje bi naš kralj svake godine obilato davao premoćnome sultanu, osim velikoga prijateljstva, Njegovoj Visosti zacijelo donosila još i mnogo toga ostaloga.“

Nasmijao se i samo odgovorio da je izlišno sklapati mir koji bi vrijedio za vladavine sinova i potomaka. „Tko, naime, sa sigurnošću može nešto uglaviti u ime budućih vladara, posebice u našem carstvu? Mi nemamo običaj vraćati ono što smo osvojili mačem i mjesta gdje smo podigli svoje bogomolje, gdje molimo i zazivamo Boga i našega Proroka, jer nam to zabranjuju naši zakoni i naše svete knjige. Ako našem sultanu odgovara mir, a vi ga želite postojano održavati, odobrit ćemo ga do njegove smrti.“

Mi na to nismo dalje odgovarali jer smo govorili uzalud. Činilo se da treba prihvatiti ponuđeni rok za primirje jer je ponuđen tako lako i brzo, kao da Božje Veličanstvo želi pomoći kršćanskoj stvari više negoli to sami ljudi vjeruju, pa čak i na bolji način nego da Vaše Veličanstvo sklopi dugotrajan savez s narodom koji za kršćane ne gaji nikakve iskrene osjećaje i ne zna vladati ili živjeti ako nema nekoga koga bi pljačkao i od koga bi uzimao zarobljenike.

Od daljnjeg razgovora o toj temi, preblagi kralju, nismo se ispričali time što ne umijemo dobro voditi [90] poslove Vašeg Veličanstva, time što nismo znali nešto povoljnije isposlovati (premda smo itekako svjesni svojih slabosti) ili time što smo propustili iskušati primjerenije načine da postignemo svoj cilj, nego smo skromno rekli da smo revno, marljivo, pomno i vjerno učinili sve što nam je bilo dopušteno učiniti i da se ništa više od toga ne bi moglo ni poželjeti, kako Vam je nedvojbeno ispričao i potvrdio naš kolega, gospodin Giovanni Maria. Njemu prepuštamo da Vas usmeno izvijesti i o tome i o svim ostalim pitanjima jer bi bilo predugo pisati o svim pojedinostima. Paša je rekao kako se sultan jako brine da se dječaku ne oduzme Transilvanija i kako, ako budemo govorili ljudskim, a ne božjim riječima i ljudskim, a ne božanskim ustima, nećemo postići ništa osim pukog produženja primirja. Tako smo otpušteni iz Divana.

Potom smo otišli u posjet ostaloj dvojici paša, Ibrahimu i Hajdaru, svakome k njegovoj kući. I njima smo, kao i svima ostalima, ponudili poklon i uručili im pisma u kojima smo im brižljivo preporučili poslove Vašeg Veličanstva. S nama su sva trojica[42] vrlo ljubazno porazgovarala i preporučila se naklonosti Vašeg Veličanstva. No kao što ćete doznati od gospodina Giovannija Marije, oni nisu mogli biti gotovo ni od kakve koristi. Jedan je od njih sve uzeo k sebi i držao se kao da je sultan; stoga se doista bojimo da nije pristao uz nekoga drugoga, a uz Vaše Veličanstvo tek prividno. O tome će Vam više reći gospodin Maria. Mi smo, pak, onoliko koliko su nam to prilike dopuštale, došli do nedvojbenog zaključka da se od ovog vladara uzalud traži i najmanje mjesto koje je podložio svojoj vlasti dokle mu je god vlast stabilna i dokle mu se god smiješi sreća. Od njega bi se nešto moglo dobiti jedino snagom oružja, i to onda kada bi mu iz nekog razloga oslabila vlast ili bi se, po Božjoj volji, pružila neka neočekivana prilika da se udostoji uslišiti ono što ga ponizno molimo i govorimo mu s poštovanjem. Držimo, naime, da se nikada nismo nedolično ponašali, što može posvjedočiti gospodin Giovanni Maria.

Nakon toga, 28. kolovoza, sultan je prešao u azijski Chalcedon ili Üsküdar, mjesto koje se nalazi nasuprot Carigradu. Idućeg dana, 29. kolovoza, pozvani smo pred pašu kako bismo dovršili preostale poslove. Njemu smo prethodno bili obećali da ćemo mu [91] napismeno dati uvjete u skladu s kojima bi trebalo obnoviti spomenuti mir. Premda smo paši još prethodnog dana po tumaču poslali dopis,[43] sa sobom smo donijeli i drugi primjerak kako bismo o svemu lakše raspravljali. Što smo brže i primjerenije mogli, iz svojih smo naputaka, ništa ne ispuštajući, izdvojili uvjete koje šaljemo i Vašem Veličanstvu, ne propuštajući mu položiti račun o svim svojim aktivnostima.

Nismo mogli isposlovati ništa od izgubljenih mjesta, a nismo smjeli ni nesmetano pregovarati o Szol- [92] noku jer je paša rekao da je Szolnok nekoć predan Turcima koji su očekivali mnoge dobitke i u Ugarskoj i u Transilvaniji. Čak i kad smo zatražili samo da se sruši Zechen[44] radi sigurnosti ceste koja vodi do Egra,[45] na sličan je način nerado saslušao naše riječi. Ipak nam nije oduzeo svaku nadu ako mu Vaše Veličanstvo povoljno odgovori u vezi s Transilvanijom.

Paša nas je primio u nekom vrtu u Chalcedonu, gdje smo neprestance uvlačeni u nove rasprave. S nama je vodio teške pregovore o rješavanju položaja kmetova i ostalih podložnika, rušenju Zechena, smanjivanju počasnog danka i događajima u Transilvaniji, tako da smo nakon gotovo sat i pol stalno iznova o tome morali govoriti. Napokon je dogovoreno sljedeće: kad mu se dojavi željeni odgovor Vašeg Veličanstva u vezi s Transilvanijom te se potom potpiše i potvrdi petogodišnji mir, kmetovi koji su dosad plaćali porez objema stranama dužni su ga plaćati objema stranama i nadalje. Pošto se sklopi mirovni sporazum, odredit će se povjerenici koji će pregledati i provesti u djelo odredbe mirovnog sporazuma što se tiču ovoga, ali i ostalih dijelova. Kad se nakon toga vratio gospodin Giovanni Maria, sve smo mu ovo prepričali i rekli mu da se vrati s povoljnim odgovorom u vezi s Transilvanijom. Paša je, naime, do njegova povratka odgodio donošenje odluke i o počasnom danku i o Zechenu, pa onda i o svemu drugome, govoreći da sve odredbe mirovnog sporazuma ovise o prepuštanju Transilvanije.

Na sastanku je paša dodao kako sultan obećava da neće – ako Ivanov sin ne umre ili ako ga poljski kralj, njegov ujak, odnosno neki drugi slučaj ne spriječe da uđe u Transilvaniju – onamo poslati turskog upravitelja i turske posade, nego kršćanske. To nam je napomenuo kako bismo mu više vjerovali. No ipak nismo mogli u potpunosti shvatiti što je time mislio. Stoga neka se Vaše Veličanstvo udostoji pažljivo razmisliti o odluci s time u vezi. Mi držimo da je riječ o poljskim ili francuskim interesima ili o težnjama nekog Transilvanca. Možda je, pak, paša, pobuđujući u njemu neku daleku i ničim opravdanu nadu, Vaše Veličanstvo htio navesti na prepuštanje Transilva- [93] nije. Doista je teško procijeniti što stoji u pozadini takva prijedloga. Ipak ćemo se pobrinuti da u međuvremenu nešto iščeprkamo, premda se dosad nismo usuđivali mnogo o tome govoriti da ne bismo rekli nešto što bi Turci mogli upotrijebiti u svoju korist. Mi, dakle, sva svoja očekivanja polažemo u Vaše Veličanstvo.

Bilo je mnogo govora i o počasnome danku. Paša, naime, nikako nije htio pristati na to da se njegov iznos smanji na 50 000 forinti, premda smo mu rekli da je bogatstvo Vašeg Veličanstva uvelike umanjeno zbog proteklog rata, a preuveličavali smo i ostale razloge koje smo navodili. Pošto smo naposljetku došli do iznosa od 70 000 forinti, obećali smo i Visosti sultanu, ali i samome paši još i više ako isposluje to da se sultan prestane ljutiti na Vaše Veličanstvo zbog Transilvanije. „Zaboravimo“, rekao je, “sve u vezi s Transilvanijom. O počasnom danku i o ostalome što predlažete razgovarat ćemo kad se vrati Giovanni Maria. Zašto Kraljevsko Veličanstvo meni ne dodijeli dar za dogovoreni mir jer, ako ga ja ne isposlujem, tko bi ga drugi mogao isposlovati? Ako već i želite umanjiti dar sultanu, meni ga ne smijete umanjiti.“ Iako se činilo da se šali jer se pritom nasmijao, ništa nije slagao. Mi smo mu odgovorili da Njegovo Veličanstvo ne običava biti nezahvalno i da će, nakon sultana, Njegovo Kraljevsko Veličanstvo itekako voditi računa o tome dokle god bude osjećalo da je pod iskrenom zaštitom Njegova Presvijetlog Gospodstva. Stoga neka dade nalog pisarima da napišu pismo Vašem Veličanstvu o odobrenju mira i prepuštanju Transilvanije te neka pošalje pismenu naredbu budimskom paši o šestomjesečnom produženju primirja do kraja mandata ovog izaslanstva. Mi ćemo za to vrijeme ostati ovdje, i to ne dobrovoljno ili u očekivanju pomilovanja koje se čak i ljudima koji su u najstrožem zatvoru ponekad može odobriti, već zato da se ne čini da smo uskratili potporu interesima Njegova Veličanstva i njegovih kraljevstava, makar zbog toga morali platiti i glavom. O svemu tome valja voditi računa kako bi Vaše Presvijetlo Veličanstvo bilo što bolje obaviješteno o svim okolnostima, i to ne samo sadašnjima nego i prošlima, pošto primi gospodina Giovannija Mariju, koji je ovdje toliko dobro naučio sve što se tiče njihovih običaja, pa čak i načina i postupaka obavljanja različitih stvari i poslova, da se treba nadati da će ga paša i ubuduće slati [94] s tim ciljem. Dakako, riječ je i o tome da bismo se i mi rado vratili iz ove smrdljive baruštine.[46] Ali neka bude volja Božja i volja Vašega Presvijetlog[47] Veličanstva.

Na sastanku je paša spomenuo i to da Vaše Veličanstvo često od turskog sultana traži mir, dok ga naši nikada u potpunosti ne održavaju. I budući da je naša krivnja, kako je rekao, što se mir krši, zbog toga uvijek mi od njih primamo veće štete nego što im nanosimo. Uvjeravao nas je kako je nesumnjivo riječ o Božjoj kazni da bismo se, kako je rekao, dugo sjećali takvih događaja. „Zar se nije dogodilo da ste se, prije nego što smo odlučili s vama sklopiti mir i prijateljstvo, potrudili jednom od naših poslanika odrezati nos i uši i tako ga unakaženog poslati natrag kako biste iskazali prijezir prema našem sultanu i svima nama? Kad smo vam se htjeli osvetiti zbog te nepravde, zar niste zbog nesreće jednog čovjeka izgubili i Stolni Biograd,[48] i kralja, i kraljevstvo? Kad ste, prekršivši petogodišnje primirje, zauzeli Transilvaniju i Temišvar, zar niste mnogo više izgubili negoli dobili? Nama je, s pomoću Božjom, vraćena i utvrda Bečej,[49] u kojoj smo već prije uspostavili svoje vjerske običaje i tako smo se dugo mučili da je vratimo. Stoga, ako i sada vaš kralj ne uzme u obzir moć našeg sultana i prezre njegove zahtjeve, neka pazi da ne izgubi mnogo više od onoga što je dosad izgubio jer ćemo zauzeti i Beč.“

Na to smo skromno i sa svega nekoliko riječi odgovorili da naš kralj nema običaj sakatiti udove poslanika, nego s njima časno pregovara i časno ih otpušta, neovisno o tome koji ih vladar šalje. Uostalom, premda smo čuli o udesu nekoga vašeg poslanika, to se nije dogodilo u doba našeg kralja Ferdinanda, nego za vladavine kralja Ludovika.[50] Osim toga, naš kralj ne zna ništa ni o Ludoviku ni o njegovoj odluci na koju su ga vjerojatno [95] naveli neki sirovi i bezobzirni ljudi jer takvo što naš kralj nikada ne bi odobrio. Što se, pak, tiče zahtjeva u kojem se od našeg kralja traži utvrda Bečej, može se reći samo to da ju je dobio netom prije nego što ju je izgubio. Za to treba okriviti kraljicu Izabelu s Petrom Petrovićem, koja nikada nije htjela sultanu vratiti tu utvrdu te je tražila tisuću izgovora i lažnih opravdanja da mu u toj stvari ne udovolji, a sultan ne samo što joj to nije nimalo zamjerio već je povrh toga obasipa i darovima i milostima. Da se našem kralju netko tako drsko suprotstavi, to bi se držalo krajnje neprijateljskim ponašanjem.

Na Vama je da procijenite, preblagi kralju, koliku težinu imaju ove njihove zamjerke i kamo smjeraju. Mi smo samo opazili i pokazali Vam njihovu zlonamjernost koja je uperena protiv Vašeg Veličanstva.

Paša nas je u Divanu čak pitao tražimo li mir i u ime cara Karla[51] (oni ga zovu Španjolcem) te želi li i on biti uključen u mirovni sporazum. Odgovorili smo mu [96] da mir tražimo samo u ime našega presvijetloga kralja jer od Njegova Carskog Veličanstva nismo dobili takvo ovlaštenje. No ako se najmoćniji sultan želi pokazati dobrohotnim i širokogrudnim i prema njegovu najdražem bratu, i Njegovo Carsko Veličanstvo nesumnjivo će na to prijateljski gledati i pokazati naklonost prema premoćnom sultanu. Pošto smo tim riječima ukratko odgovorili na pitanje, paša je prešao na drugu temu, pa smo i mi zašutjeli.

Kad smo nakon toga napokon ostali s pašom nasamo u vrtu, upitao nas je zašto prošle godine car Karlo nije zaratio s francuskim kraljem.[52] Odgovorili smo mu da Njegovo Carsko Veličanstvo, dakako, nije iscrpljeno ratovanjem, nego su ga od toga odvratila dva razloga. Prvi je taj što se grozi prolijevanja kršćanske krvi, a drugi to što ima obzira prema dobi francuskog kralja,[53] koji je još mlad i kojega je prihvatio kao sina u vrijeme kada mu se ovaj bio podložio kao ocu. Prvih je nekoliko godina među njima vladalo uzajamno prijateljstvo, premda ga je francuski kralj hinio jer je, čim je sakupio dovoljno novca, vratio ono što mu je otac izgubio. Pripremivši napokon sve potrebno za ratovanje i potpirivši neku pobunu u Italiji,[54] krenuo je protiv njega u rat a da naš car nije ništa slutio.[55] To nije učinio zbog sebe, već da bi se osvetio zato što je naš car zarobio njegova oca i nanio mu brojne poraze.[56] No sve je bilo uzalud. Kako su se Francuzi iz toga izvukli, pitajte same Francuze. Paša [97] je sve to saslušao, no nije ništa određeno rekao. Jedino je u vezi s nekim afričkim gradom pitao da li da ga Turci radije unište ili da vrate ono što su tražili. Onoliko koliko smo mogli shvatiti iz toga što je ovlaš natuknuo, to bi moglo biti od velike koristi Vašem Veličanstvu. No nećemo dalje o Africi jer će o tome bolje moći govoriti gospodin Giovanni Maria.

I ovom je prilikom paša neprestano inzistirao na obvezi prema dječaku i govorio da ga Vaše Veličanstvo nije smjelo izbaciti iz Transilvanije. Na to smo mu rekli da za to nipošto ne smije optužiti našeg kralja jer, ako je dopušteno govoriti po pravu i po pravdi, ovdje nije riječ o sultanovim poslovima. Kako premoćni sultan dobro znade, nikada i nisu bili u pitanju ni dječak, ni Ugarska, ni Transilvanija, već dječakov otac, koji je, osim što je sina svojevoljno lišio nasljedstva, i sam bio homo novus[57] koji se domogao kraljevske vlasti pomoću opačina i spletki. Budući da nije imao nikakvih legitimnih prava na krunu, morao je biti zahvalan vojnoj pomoći premoćnog sultana jer da nije bilo nje, smrt bi ga nesumnjivo snašla u poljskom izgnanstvu. Kako je junacima sve zajedničko, i naš prejasni kralj zna kolike snage već sada sultan ima u Ugarskoj i svjestan je utjecaja i prijateljske naklonosti Njegove Visosti. „Stoga molimo Tvoje Presvijetlo Gospodstvo da nas se udostoji uslišiti.“ U trenutku kada je bilo riječi o kmetovima, ustali smo sa stolica i zamolili ga da sasluša naše molbe, pri čemu smo, osim govorničkog umijeća, pokazali i svoje osjećaje. I to nije bilo uzalud. Stoga smo ga onda kada smo završili razgovor i kada nam je napokon naloženo da sjednemo, zamolili da dopusti da se kmetovi – kako smo bili zatražili – na objema stranama oslobode danka kako je prethodno bilo rečeno.

Nema više ničega što bismo dodali ovom opisu naših aktivnosti, koji će po potrebi u Vašoj prisutnosti dopuniti gospodin Giovanni Maria. Vaše Veličanstvo neka samo, stavivši po strani sve drugo za što još nije došao povoljan trenutak, donese odluku o Transilvaniji kakva se njemu čini najboljom. Naposljetku, što god Njegovo Veličanstvo nakon povratka [98] gospodina Giovannija Marije bude htjelo i naložilo da kažemo ili učinimo, sve to možemo velikodušno obećati, kao što se i očekuje od najvjernijih slugu.

Preblagi kralju, zaboravili smo u opisu svojih aktivnosti spomenuti ono što smo naposljetku predali Ahmed-paši. Kao što stoji u uvodu naših naputaka, učinili smo to onda kada nam je on svojevoljno pružio priliku da to pokušamo, često nam govoreći kako, kada i što trebamo učiniti da bi nam bili ustupljeni pojedini dijelovi teritorija. „Jučer nam je, presvijetli gospodine paša, Vaše Gospodstvo spomenulo da, ako naš kralj vrati Transilvaniju sinu kralja Ivana u skladu s voljom premoćnog sultana, mi od Njegove Visosti možemo zatražiti i nešto od ostaloga, govoreći da se sloga i mir, oko kojih se toliko trudimo, lako mogu ostvariti pod uvjetom da svaka strana nešto dade i ustupi drugoj strani. Ako, dakle, pretpostavimo da će naš kralj sukladno s voljom Njegove Visosti sultana vratiti Transilvaniju Ivanovu sinu, ovo su stvari koje smo smatrali da Njegova Visost može ustupiti našem kralju, osim onoga što će Njegovo Veličanstvo možda još zatražiti, a o čemu za sada ne znamo njegovo stajalište.“ Stoga o tome nismo ništa određeno govorili i pregovarali, već samo pod pretpostavkom, kako je već prije rečeno, da tako odluči Njegovo Veličanstvo. Tražili smo, dakle, sljedeće:

Da se Ivanovu sinu dade samo Transilvanija u svojim uobičajenim i drevnim granicama;

Ako se dogodi da Ivanov sin umre bez muške djece, a naš kralj i njegovi sinovi ostanu na životu, da se Visost premoćnog sultana udostoji zadovoljiti time da ga u posjedu Transilvanije naslijedi naš kralj, a našega kralja njegovi prejasni sinovi, koji će s Njegovom Visosti ipak očuvati konfederalni savez i plaćati mu počasni danak;

Da se Varadin i Gyula[58] s ostalim utvrdama i mjestima u Ugarskoj koja se nalaze s one strane Tamiša,[59] a koja su na početku njegove vladavine pripadala Transilvaniji, daju našem kralju kako bi lakše mogao plaćati danak za Ugarsku, s obzirom na to da Njegovom Veličanstvu nisu vraćeni dijelovi kraljevstva koji su bili zauzeti tijekom prošlog rata;

Da se zbog navedenog smanjenja vladarskog područja našemu kralju smanji i danak te da njegov iznos na kraju bude 70 000 dukata;

[99] Da se našem kralju dopusti produženje primirja na pet godina za Ugarsku. Nakon toga se objema stranama dopušta njegovo produženje;

Da svi podložnici i kmetovi, i oni premoćnog sultana i oni našeg kralja, koji su dosad objema stranama plaćali danak i desetinu te vršili službe, i ubuduće na isti način plaćaju rečeni danak i desetine te vrše svoje službe;

Da se premoćni sultan udostoji našem kralju vratiti utvrde Fülek[60] i Salgó[61] sa svim pripadajućima i drugim dobrima i posjedima, topovima i streljivom, koje su zauzete tijekom sadašnjeg razdoblja primirja;

Da se Njegova Visost udostoji Njegovom Veličanstvu vratiti zarobljenike iz Egra i Érsekújvára,[62] kao i [100] [101] sve ostale koji su tijekom spomenutog primirja uhićeni u drugim krajevima Ugarske, Slavoniji, Hrvatskoj, na senjskome primorju i drugdje, a kojih je više od pet stotina;

Da se u vezi s vraćanjem zarobljenika Njegova Visost udostoji dati nalog gospodi budimskom, temišvarskom i bosanskom paši te kliškom i požeškom sandžakbegu i naredi im da ne čine drugačije od onoga što je naređeno;

Da Njegova Visost naredi da se u znak širokogrudnosti i dobrostivosti prema našem kralju i radi što boljeg učvršćenja ovog mira te spokoja jadnih podanika unište i sruše sljedeće utvrde: u Ugarskoj Szolnok, Zechen, Drégely,[63] Vesprim,[64] Wytam,[65] Geztes[66] i Hollókő,[67] a u Slavoniji Čazma i Ivanić, ako se ne mogu vratiti Njegovom Veličanstvu. Njegovo Veličanstvo sa zahvalnošću će se pobrinuti da se Njegovoj Visosti to nadoknadi;

Da se, naposljetku, svi oni posjedi i županije koji prije ovog primirja nisu plaćali porez niti su podanički služili Njegovoj Visosti, ali su tijekom spomenutog primirja iznova natjerani da plaćaju navedeno, oslobode takvog tereta plaćanja i služenja kako se jadni kmetovi ne bi uništili te da se slobodno vrate u vlast svojih posjednika.

Ako bi se stvari u vezi s Transilvanijom mogle riješiti onako kako smo gore rekli, molimo ga da nas sada o tome izvijesti kako bismo preko našeg gospodina kolege o tome mogli obavijestiti Kraljevstvo Veličanstvo. Ako to Njegovo Kraljevsko Veličanstvo dozna, možda bi u budućnosti moglo promijeniti mišljenje, premda sa strane Njegova Veličanstva ništa ne možemo obećavati.

Na to nam je dan ponešto zbrkan odgovor: da je sve ovo previše, da je posve nečuveno i da zato od toga neće biti ništa i slično, kao što će Vas izvijestiti naš gospodin kolega.

Iz svega će ovoga, dakle, Vaše Veličanstvo moći razumjeti da smo doista sve pokušavali, ali u Turaka nismo pronašli ništa osim tvrdoglave ustrajnosti.

Fußnoten

[1] Poslanici time žele reći da su doputovali iz Budima u Istanbul natprosječno brzo jer su putovali 30 dana, odnosno od 26. srpnja do 25. kolovoza. Doista je njihovo putovanje bilo mnogo kraće od prosječnog putovanja na toj ruti u prethodnim i idućim desetljećima. Petar Matković, „Putovanja po Balkanskom poluotoku XVI. vieka. XIII. Putopisi Stj. Gerlacha i Sal. Schweigera, ili opisi putovanja carskih poslanstava u Carigrad, naime Davida Ungnada od g. 1573.–78. i Joach. Sinzendorfa od g. 1577.“, Rad Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti. Razredi filologičko-historički i filosofičko-juridički 39 (1893), sv. 116, 110–111 (1–112).

[2] Čauš (osmanski turski: çavuş, glasnik) niži je vojni čin u osmanskoj vojsci s varijacijama u značenju u različitim razdobljima Osmanskog Carstva. Čauši su, među ostalim, služili kao prenositelji naredbi u službi sultana, vezira i drugih visokih državnih dužnosnika. U ovom slučaju riječ je o službenicima zaduženima za sigurnost stranih diplomatskih predstavnika, koje su pratili na putovanjima kroz Osmansko Carstvo. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1966), 166–167.

[3] Aga (osmanski turski: ağa, veliki; gospodar, starješina, zapovjednik) vojni je čin u osmanskoj vojsci i počasni naslov za uglednike koji nisu bili članovi osmanske inteligencije ili plemstva. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1966), 72.

[4] Dragoman (arapski: tärğumān, osmanski turski: tercümān, novogrčki: dragomános, tumač) službeni je tumač, odnosno prevoditelj pri stranim diplomatskim i trgovačkim predstavništvima i poslanstvima u Osmanskom Carstvu te u drugim zemljama Bliskog istoka, koji je poznavao osmanski turski, perzijski i arapski jezik, ili jedan od navedenih, te nekoliko europskih jezika. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi, 225.

[5] Osmanski sultan Sulejman I. Veličanstveni× (vladao 1520.–1566.).

[6] Ovdje se misli na safavidskog vladara, šaha Tahmaspa I. (vladao 1524.–1576.), dok je naziv „Kazul-paša” vjerojatno nastao od pogrešno shvaćenog naziva za perzijskog, odnosno safavidskog neprijatelja Osmanskog Carstva. Kizilbaše (osmanski turski: kızılbaş, „crvena glava“) su bili pripadnici raznih šijitskih vojnih skupina koje su se na području Anatolije, Kurdistana i Azerbajdžana tijekom 15. i 16. stoljeća borile na strani Safavidskog Carstva. Crvene kape, po kojima su dobili ime, simbolizirale su njihovu lojalnost safavidskoj dinastiji. Riječ kazul znači “perzijski” u ranonovovjekovnome mađarskom jeziku. Paša (osmanski turski: paşa) vojni je čin u osmanskoj vojsci u rangu europskoga generala i naziv za upravitelja pašaluka, odnosno osmanske pokrajine. Ágnes Drosztmér, „The Good Fowler as a World Conqueror: Images of Suleyman the Magnificent in Early Modern Hungarian Literary Practice“, u: Marianna D. Birnbaum i Marcell Sebők, Practices of Coexistence. Constructions of the Other in Early Modern Perceptions (Budapest; New York: Central European University Press, 2017), 12–13 (1–33); Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi, 511–512.

[7] Rustem-paša× (osmanski turski: Rüstem Paşa; o. 1500.–1561.), veliki vezir Osmanskog Carstva, odnosno sultanov zamjenik u državnim poslovima i druga osoba Carstva, od 1544. do 1553. i od 1555. do 1561. godine. Najvjerojatnije je bio hrvatskog podrijetla i iz okolice Skradina.

[8] Giovanni Maria Malvezzi× prvi je habsburški stalni poslanik u Carigradu. Zbog nezadovoljstva Malvezzijevim odgovorima u vezi sa statusom Trasilvanije, sultan Sulejman dao ga je zatvoriti. Malvezijeva je korespondencija objavljena u izdanju Austro-Turcica. Diplomatische Akten des habsburgischen Gesandtschaftsverkehrs mit der Hohen Pforte im Zeitalter Süleymans des Prächtigen, prir. Srećko M. Džaja i Günter Weiss, München, Oldenbourg Verlag, 1995.

[9] Nakon osvajanja Budima 1541. godine Osmanlije su držali dio Ugarskog Kraljevstva omeđen gradovima Pečuhom, Ostrogonom i Segedinom. Godine 1551. habsburški car i ugarsko-hrvatski kralj Ferdinand I. (1503.–1564.) poslao je vojsku u Transilvaniju kako bi se suprotstavila daljnjem osmanskom nadiranju. Međutim, već iduće godine Osmanlije su osvojili Temišvar, Szolnok i Drégely. Detaljnije usp. Péter Hanák (ur.), Povijest Mađarske, Zagreb: Barbat, 1995., str. 66.

[10] Sultanija Hurem (osmanski turski: Hürrem; na Zapadu poznata i kao Rokselana; živjela 1502.–1558.), službena supruga sultana Sulejmana Veličanstvenog.

[11] Mihrimah (o. 1522.–1578.), kćerka Sulejmana Veličanstvenog i sultanije Hurem, te supruga velikog vezira Rustem-paše.

[12] Osoba koju naziva Hasan-begom nije identificirana. Vjerojatno je riječ o ratnom zarobljeniku kojega je habsburško poslanstvo povelo sa sobom kako bi ga predalo osmanskim dužnosnicima kao znak dobre volje i zalog za buduće pregovore.

[13] Riječ je o Ivanu Žigmundu (1540.–1571.), maloljetnom sinu Ivana Zapolje (1487.–1540.) i Izabele Jagelović (1519.–1559.). Nakon smrti Ivana Zapolje habsburški nadvojvoda i ugarski kralj Ferdinand I. opsjeo je Budim kako bi učvrstio svoj položaj u sporu oko ugarske krune. Tome se usprotivio biskup Juraj Utješenović (Utješinović ili Utišenić, mađarski György Martinuzzi, 1482.–1551.) i pozvao je u pomoć osmanskog sultana Sulejmana I. Veličanstvenog (1494.–1566.). Sultan je 1541. godine protjerao habsburšku vojsku i zauzeo Budim za sebe te posvojio Ivana Žigmunda i poslao ga u Transilvaniju zajedno s majkom.

[14] Europski narodi u bezbroj su navrata Osmansko Carstvo nazivali Turskim i njegove podanike Osmanlije Turcima, iako je pridjev „osmanski“ mnogo prikladniji za državu u kojoj je turska etnička skupina uvjerljivo činila manjinu naspram brojnih drugih etničkih skupina u Carstvu. Pripadnici vladajućeg sloja Osmanskog Carstva nazivali su se Osmanlijama i nikad se nisu nazivali Turcima, što je bio naziv za ruralno stanovništvo Anatolije. Usp. Milorad Pavić, Jugoistočna Europa pod osmanskom vlašću. Od pada Carigrada do Svištovskog mira (Zadar: Sveučilište u Zadru, 2014), 13.

[15] To jest sultanu Sulejmanu.

[16] Vjerojatno misle na osmanske paše u pokrajinskim sandžacima, koji su neprestano kršili mir provalama u habsburško područje.

[17] To jest sultanu.

[18] Ali-paša, osmanski upravitelj središnje Ugarske, koji je imao sjedište u Budimu. Vrančić× je u travnju 1553. godine išao u diplomatsku misiju k Ali-paši u Budim i tom je prilikom dogovorio habsburško-osmansko primirje do studenoga 1553. godine, koliko su habsburški dužnosnici smatrali da će biti dovoljno da habsburško poslanstvo ode u Istanbul i ondje dogovori stabilniji i dugotrajniji mirovni sporazum. Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Historija turskog /osmanskog/ carstva (Zagreb: Nerkez Smailagić, 1979), sv. 1, 464–465; Petar Matković, „Putovanja po Balkanskom poluotoku XVI. vieka VI. Putovanje Antuna Vrančića× g. 1553.“, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti. Razredi filologičko-historički i filosofičko-juridički, knj. 8 (1884), 4; Lajos Tardy, Beyond the Ottoman Empire. 14th-16th Century Hungarian Diplomacy in the East, Studia uralo-altaica, Szeged, 1978., 162; Alberto Fortis, Put po Dalmaciji, priredio Josip Bratulić, Globus, Zagreb, 1984., 119; Milenko Lončar i Diana Sorić, „Pismom protiv nepoželjnih čitatelja III. Vrančićeva× pomagala za kodiranje“, Colloquia Maruliana, 25 (2016), 18 (17–70); Castilia Manea-Grgin, „Uvod“, u: Antun Vrančić×, Historiografski fragmenti (preveo Šime Demo, uvodnu studiju i bilješke uz prijevod napisala Castilia Manea-Grgin), Gradska knjižnica „Juraj Šižgorić“, Šibenik, 2014., 11.

[19] To jest Ferdinand I.

[20] Odnosno sultan.

[21] Odnosi se na Ivana Žigmunda.

[22] Riječ je o događajima nakon Bitke na Mohačkom polju 1526. godine.

[23] Odnosi se na sporazum transilvanskih staleža s habsburškim nadvojvodom Ferdinandom, sklopljen u Albi Iuliji (u današnjoj Rumunjskoj) 19. srpnja 1551. godine, prema kojem je Izabela Ferdinandu predala sve svoje posjede i krunu sv. Stjepana, a Ivan Žigmund trebao se oženiti Ferdinandovom kćeri Joannom. Detaljnije usp. Aleksandra Kolarić, „Juraj Utješenović i njegovo doba“, Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, 16 (1999), 131.

[24] Odnosi se na Velikovaradinski ugovor sklopljen u Velikom Varadinu (današnji grad Oradea u Rumunjskoj) 24. veljače 1538. godine između Ivana Zapolje i Ferdinanda I., prema kojem je čitava Ugarska s Transilvanijom nakon Zapoljine smrti trebala pripasti Ferdinandu, dok se sin Ivana Zapolje trebao oženiti Ferdinandovom kćeri i naslijediti djedovska imanja. Detaljnije usp. Kolarić, „Juraj Utješenović“, 128.

[25] Odnosno Ivan Zapolja.

[26] Odnosi se na sporazum u Albi Iuliji iz 1551. godine.

[27] Petar Petrović (o. 1486.–1557.), temišvarski župan i pristaša kraljice Izabele. Pretpostavlja se da je bio Zapoljin rođak, koji se nakon njegove smrti sa svojim osmanskim saveznicima borio protiv kralja Ferdinanda. Prema sporazumu u Albi Iuliji, Petrović je s Izabelom i Ivanom Žigmundom trebao napustiti Cluj (današnji rumunjski grad Cluj-Napoca) i otići u Košice (u današnjoj Slovačkoj). Taj su grad, naime, Izabela i Ivan Žigmund dobili na uživanje dok se ne iskupi šlesko vojvodstvo Opolje (u današnjoj Poljskoj), koje im je Ferdinand osigurao kao naknadu za ustupanje krune sv. Stjepana. Adrian Magina, „Peter Petrović and Protestantism. Aspects Concerning the Patronage of the Reformation During its Early Period“, Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије / Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 3 (2015), 139–159.

[28] Ovo bi mogla biti aluzija na Petrovićevu naklonjenost kalvinizmu.

[29] Odnosi se na ugarskog kralja Ludovika II. i Bitku na Mohačkom polju 29. kolovoza 1526.

[30] Sultan Sulejman I. zauzeo je Budim 21. kolovoza 1541. godine.

[31] Frater Georgius Eremita bio je nadimak Jurja Utješenovića (Utišenić, Utišinović, Utješinović; mađarski: György Martinuzzi), ugarskog i transilvanskog državnika hrvatskog podrijetla (Kamičac pokraj Skradina, 1482. – Alvinc, danas Vinţu de Jos, Rumunjska, 17. prosinca 1551). U borbama za ugarsko prijestolje između Ferdinanda I. Habsburškoga i Ivana Zapolje priklonio se strani potonjega. Zapolja ga je 1528. postavio za savjetnika, 1534. za upravitelja riznice te biskupa u Velikom Varadinu (danas Oradea), a Transilvanski sabor izabrao ga je za gubernatora i vrhovnog suca u Erdelju. Posredovao je pri sklapanju mirovnog ugovora između Ferdinanda I. i Zapolje u Velikom Varadinu 1538. godine. Nakon Zapoljine smrti bio je skrbnik njegova sina Ivana Žigmunda te je kao gubernator upravljao istočnim dijelom Ugarske i Transilvanijom. Za vrijeme sukoba s Ferdinandom uspješno je obranio Budim uz pomoć osmanske vojske. Došavši u sukob sa Zapoljinom udovicom Izabelom, potkraj 1541. započeo je pregovore s Ferdinandom te je u srpnju 1551. sklopio nagodbu u Albi Iuliji. Na temelju tog sporazuma Utješenović je ostao velikovaradinski biskup i transilvanski upravitelj, a na Ferdinandovu molbu papa ga je imenovao i kardinalom. Ferdinand ga je na koncu dao pogubiti iste godine zbog navodne suradnje s Osmanlijama.

[32] Kasim-beg (poslije paša) visoki je osmanski vojni dužnosnik u osmanskoj Ugarskoj; u više navrata bio je sandžakbeg pokrajina diljem osmanske Ugarske, a u dva navrata i beglerbeg Budimskog beglerbegluka (1548.–1551. i 1557.–1558.). Gradnjom svojih zadužbinskih građevina u Osijeku i Pečuhu snažno je utjecao na urbanistički razvoj spomenutih gradova. Nedim Zahirović, „O značaju uporednog korištenja osmanskih i neosmanskih (kršćanskih) izvora u proučavanju područja Vojne krajine“, u: Robert Skenderović i Stanko Andrić (ur.), Franz Vaniček i vojnokrajiška historiografija. Zbornik radova znanstvenog skupa s međunarodnim sudjelovanjem održanog u Slavonskom Brodu 23. i 24. listopada 2014. (Slavonski Brod: Hrvatski institut za povijest – Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje, 2017), 98 (95–102). Za više podataka o njemu vidjeti: Géza Dávid, „An Ottoman Military Career on the Hungarian Borders: Kasım Voivoda, Bey, and Pasha“, u: Géza Dávid i Pál Fodor, Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe. The Military Confines in the Era of Ottoman Conquest (Leiden; Boston; Köln: Brill Publishing, 2000), 265–297.

[33] To jest Rustem-paši.

[34] Kara Ahmed-paša, tadašnji drugi vezir Osmanskog Carstva i poslije veliki vezir od 6. listopada 1553. do 29. rujna 1555. godine.

[35] Divan (osmanski turski: divan) osmanski je državni savjet, u kojem je sjedio određen broj vezira, odnosno paša, te drugih visokih dužnosnika. Broj vezira s vremenom se povećavao. Za vrijeme Vrančićeva× i Zayeva poslanstva to su bili veliki vezir Rustem-paša i veziri Kara Ahmed-paša, Ibrahim-paša i Hajdar-paša. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi, 220.

[36] Ferenc Zay (latinski: Franciscus Zay; pretpostavlja se da se rodio u Vukovaru između 1498. i 1505. godine, a umro je 1570.) visoki je vojni službenik i diplomat u službi cara Ferdinanda I. Habsburškoga. Istaknuo se i kao autor memoara i povjesničar. Akademsko je obrazovanje stekao na padovanskom sveučilištu. Posjedovao je veliku knjižnicu s više od devedeset knjiga, uglavnom filozofske i povijesne tematike. Između 1552. i 1560./1567. bio je zapovjednik habsburških šajkaša na Dunavu. Zbog svojih diplomatskih zasluga 1560. godine dobio je naslov baruna i postao vrhovni kapetan Gornje Ugarske. Detaljnije usp. Attila Barany, „Ferenc Zay”, u: Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History, sv. VII, ur. David Thomas i John Chesworth (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 207–208.

[37] Očito u ironičnom značenju.

[38] U latinskom izvorniku stoji grčka riječ thauma, tis., n – čudo. Autori izvješća vjerojatno su htjeli naglasiti činjenicu da je paša to izrekao na stranome, osmanskom turskom jeziku, što im je tumač poslije preveo na latinski.

[39] Lippa je današnji grad Lipova u zapadnoj Rumunjskoj.

[40] Solymos, utvrda u blizini Lippe. Bila je u vlasti Ivana Zapolje, potom njegove supruge Izabele, a 1551. godine predana je rumelijskom beglerbegu Mehmed-paši.

[41] Szolnok, grad u istočnoj Madžarskoj. Budući da leži na ušću rijeke Zagyve u Tisu, bio je važna strateška točka oko koje su se tijekom 16. stoljeća sukobljavali Habsburgovci i Osmanlije.

[42] Odnosi se na Ibrahima i Hajdara te prethodno spomenutog Ahmed-pašu.

[43] Sadržaj je dopisa sljedeći: „Antun Vrančić× i Ferenc Zay pozdravljaju velikog vezira Rustem-pašu. Budući da postoji još nekoliko stvari koje valja posebno razmotriti, a tiču se sklapanja mirovnog sporazuma koji smo dogovorili, htjeli smo ih, velmožni paša, za tebe prepisati kako bismo o njima porazgovarali i donijeli odluku prije nego što naš kolega Giovanni Maria krene na put. To ponajviše činimo zato da bi se po istom gospodinu Giovanniju Mariji moglo dojaviti Njegovom Veličanstvu ako među navedenim točkama postoji nešto što se našem kralju ne bi moglo odobriti. Budući da mu mnogo toga prethodno nije bilo odobreno, svim te silama ištemo i molimo da mu se u ovom mirovnom sporazumu ne uskrati barem ono što mu je bilo dopušteno u prethodnome a da se pritom, dakako, ne ošteti tvoj sultan. Naš kralj, pak, od tebe očekuje poseban zagovor jer smatra da si mu najveći prijatelj. Zbogom. Dano u Carigradu, 28. kolovoza 1553. godine.“

[44] Zechen, danas selo Tápiószecső. Pod nazivom Zechen prvi se put spominje 1264. godine. U srednjem vijeku Zechen je bio važno kulturno i gospodarsko središte u središnjoj Ugarskoj.

[45] Eger (latinski: Agria; osmanski turski: Eğri), grad u sjeveroistočnoj Mađarskoj, jugozapadno od Miskolca.

[46] U latinskom izvorniku stoji „Lerna“, što je inače naziv jezera u Argolidi (na Peloponezu u Grčkoj), boravišta lernejske hidre, legendarne devetoglave zmije koju je ubio Heraklo. U prenesenom smislu rabi se kao pejorativna oznaka za prljavo mjesto puno opačina.

[47] Ovo se odnosi na četverogodišnje razdoblje koje je Henrik II. proveo u španjolskom zarobljeništvu nakon poraza svojeg oca u Bitci kod Pavije 1525. godine.

[48] Aluzija na osvajanje Stolnog Biograda (latinski: Alba Regia; mađarski: Székesfehérvár; osmanski turski: İstolni Belgrad), grada u središnjoj Mađarskoj koji je, nakon duge opsade, pao pod osmansku vlast 1543. godine.

[49] Nakon što je na temelju ugovora potpisanog 19. srpnja 1551. godine u Albi Iuliji Transilvanija priznala vrhovništvo Ferdinanda I. Habsburškog, osmanska je vojska osvojila Bečej (mađarski: Óbecse; osmanski turski: Beçe), grad u današnjoj sjevernoj Srbiji, već u studenome 1551. godine. Detaljnije usp. Kolarić, „Juraj Utješenović“, 131.

[50] Ludovik II. Jagelović (Budim, 1. srpnja 1506. – Mohač, 29. kolovoza 1526.), hrvatsko-ugarski kralj od 1516. do 1526. godine; sin Vladislava II. Jagelovića. Osmanlije su teško porazili Ludovikovu vojsku na Mohačkome polju­ 1526. godine, a on se pri bijegu utopio u nabujalome potoku.

[51] Karlo V. Habsburški, car Svetoga Rimskog Carstva (Gent, 24. veljače 1500. – San Gerónimo de Yuste, Estremadura, 21. rujna 1558.). Sin kastiljskog kralja Filipa I. Lijepog i Ivane Lude, stariji brat Ferdinanda I. Habsburškog. Kao španjolski kralj, Karlo I. vladao je od 1516. do 1556., a kao car Svetoga Rimskog Carstva od 1519. do 1556. godine. Pod njegovom su vlašću bile: Kastilja s Navarrom i Granadom, uključujući i španjolske posjede u Americi; Aragonija s Valencijom i Katalonijom te s Napuljem, Sicilijom i Sardinijom; Nizozemska, Burgundija i Württemberg; te nasljedni posjed dinastije Habsburgovaca u Austriji, koji je 1521. dao na upravljanje, u feudalnoj nominalnoj zavisnosti, mlađem bratu Ferdinandu.

[52] Odnosi se na francuskog kralja Henrika II. (1519.–1559.; vladao 1547.–1559.), koji je stupio na francusko prijestolje nakon smrti svog oca Franje I. 1547. godine.

[53] Odnosi se na francuskog kralja.

[54] Moguće da je u pitanju talijanska komuna Mirandola koja je 1551. godine prešla na stranu Francuza tijekom posljednjega Talijanskog rata (1551.–1559.). Detaljnije usp. Antonio Saltini, L’assedio della Mirandola (Reggio Emilia: Diabasis, 2003).

[55] Henrik II. objavio je rat Karlu V. u jesen 1551. godine. Dana 15. siječnja 1552. godine potpisao je u Chambordu sporazum sa saskim knezom izbornikom i njegovim protestantskim saveznicima kako bi dao legitimnost francuskim osvajanjima. Tijekom proljeća 1552. godine francuske su trupe osvojile Toul, Metz i Verdun, tri biskupije koje su se nalazile u sklopu Svetoga Rimskog Carstva. Usp. Jean Carpentier i François Lebrun, Povijest Francuske (Zagreb: Barbat, 1999), 125–126.

[56] Sukob između francuskog kralja Franje I. i španjolskog kralja Karla V. Habsburškog počeo je 1519. godine, kada je Karlo, umjesto drugog aspiranta Franje, izabran za cara Svetoga Rimskog Carstva Njemačke Narodnosti glasovima sedam izbornih knezova, koje je španjolski kralj potkupio zlatom moćne njemačke bankarske obitelji Fugger. U prvoj fazi sukoba, koji je trajao četrdeset godina, bio je uspješniji Karlo, koji je 24. veljače 1525. u Bitci kod Pavije porazio i zarobio Franju I. Da bi se izbavio iz Karlova zarobljeništva u Madridu, Franjo je morao potpisati mirovni ugovor kojim je Karlu ustupio Burgundiju i odrekao se Milanskog vojvodstva. Detaljnije usp. Carpentier i Lebrun, Povi­jest Francuske, 126.

[57] Homo novus (latinski), onaj koji je prvi u svojoj obitelji dosegnuo visoke časti; onaj koji je iznenada postao poznat; skorojević. Vladimir Anić, Rječnik hrvatskoga jezika (Zagreb: Novi Liber, 1998), 206.

[58] Gyula, pogranični grad na jugoistoku Madžarske.

[59] Tamiš (rumunjski: Timiş), rijeka u današnjoj zapadnoj Rumunjskoj i Srbiji.

[60] Fülek (slovački: Fiľakovo; osmanski turski: Filek), grad u blizini Banske Bystrice u današnjoj središnjoj Slovačkoj.

[61] Salgó, utvrda blizu mjesta Salgótarján u današnjoj sjevernoj Mađarskoj.

[62] Érsekújvár, danas Nové Zámky u južnoj Slovačkoj, u blizini mađarske granice.

[63] Drégely, utvrda na planini Börzsöny u sjeverozapadnoj Mađarskoj.

[64] Vesprim (mađ. Veszprém), smješten petnaestak kilometara sjeverno od Blatnog jezera.

[65] Toponim nije identificiran.

[66] Danas Várgesztes, gradić smješten u današnjoj mađarskoj županiji Komárom-Esztergom.

[67] Hollókő, selo u današnjoj sjevernoj Mađarskoj.

[66]

XXX. Vrančić× and Ferenc Zay× to King Ferdinand. September 1, 1553

FIRST ACTIVITIES IN ISTANBUL

Your Most Serene and Holy Royal Majesty, Our Most Kind Lord!

As soon as we departed from Buda×, we hastily and with great ardor set on our way, without repose or rest, not one single day. Finally, with God’s help and without any threats to our safety and without any harm to Your Majesty’s and our own belongings, we arrived to Constantinople× on August 25. Others used to complete this journey in thirty five days.[1] There we were greeted by a number of chiauses,[2] aghas[3] and two dragomans,[4] who were sent to meet us.

The Sultan×,[5] who learned of our arrival, already expected us and, without any doubt, did not want to set out on a campaign against Kazul Pasha[6] before find- [67] [68] ing out if he were to conclude peace with Your Majesty. Therefore Rüstem Pasha×[7] wished to hear us out the same day that we arrived. That day, however, we took some rest, washed away the dust of the road and took care of our luggage, so the audience was held the following day.

Since His Lordship Giovanni Maria Malvezzi[8] in a sign of submission resided under house arrest and we could not see him without Pasha’s approval, we immediately sent a petition to His Lordship the Pasha to let us see him because, by order of His Royal Majesty, he was our associate, as evidenced by our diplomatic credentials. We managed to procure this, and soon he was called upon to come and see us. We informed him of our task and the wishes of Your Majesty. At the same time we consulted with him and he was the first person from whom we asked counsel on how to accomplish the task which was assigned to our mission.

We did not spend much time dealing with this because there was little time for consultation due to Sultan’s imminent departure, which was planned for the 28th day of the month of August. He told us that it seemed it would be very difficult, and moreover dangerous, if we were to ask back either for the whole kingdom, or for its parts that were taken last year, and especially for Transylvania×.[9] Since he knew well their attitudes, and this was something that many others warned us too during our journey, he said that the Pasha will see to it that, if we [69] [70] wished to preserve peace, not to ask Transylvania× back. When we arrived to Constantinople×, the Pasha sent us a message through the Sultan’s interpreter and ordered us to speak with utmost seriousness because if we even with a single word mention our demands concerning Transylvania×, we would not only miss on the chance to obtain an armistice, but the Sultan would also in every possible way strive to conclude peace with Kazul Pasha, and then would set out on a campaign against Hungary×. We should not take this reason for granted because the Sultan made a pause precisely for this reason, while expecting Your Majesty’s emissaries.

His Lordship Giovanni Maria× was the first person to warn us that this threat should have been taken seriously, and then the others warned us too, because Rüstem Pasha× was the one who wanted to make an alliance with Kazul Pasha and wage war against Hungary×, which was the advice he gave to the Emperor. This could have easily been procured from the Emperor if he were to be persuaded through his wife’s[10] and daughter’s[11] counsel, [71] and if he were not to consider that Kazul Pasha caused him grave and shameful injustice which he adamantly decided to avenge with his own sword. We talked at length about this with Giovanni Maria×, for whom we have no doubt that he is utmost faithful to Your Majesty. Because all the things that he had told us about the Turks, we have heard from others too and they have confirmed it.

There we stayed the whole day and the next night, in order to concoct an advantageous idea about what to do and how to plead for a truce, when we were not allowed to discard neither the first, nor the second, nor the third part of our instructions. Finally, we were afraid that in such a dangerous situation, while asking for the whole kingdom or for the seized territories and incessantly appealing for Transylvania×, we would give the sultan the cause to go to war with Hungary×, instead of going to war with Kazul Pasha. It became clear to us at the very beginning of the negotiations that this could very easily happen, because we very easily concluded that – bearing in mind that we were barred in advance from asking for [72] Transylvania× – we would have been forbidden to ask for that which we were hoping we would be able to accomplish first. By relying on the penultimate article of our instructions, we prepared ourselves as best and credible as we could, in order not to return empty-handed and to eliminate the impending danger. We entrusted our worries to the Lord, who will surely – there should be no doubt – soon take care of Your Majesty’s work during this short armistice better than if we were granted everlasting peace. As we have seen so far, it is undeniable that this peace, despite firm and sincere pleas, will not be granted to anyone among the Christian rulers who are at war with this nation, and least of all to Your Majesty, whose even the slightest move is considered the gravest offence. The memories of bygone hatred are, you see, very strong.

We made a decision to try out a different way of pleading while requesting for a peace accord as stated in the last article of your instructions, in order to prompt this ruler and His Lordship the Pasha to show mercy toward Your Majesty. While persuading both of them with all our might of the benevolence of Your Majesty, we would in passing mention the other goals of our mission, in order to learn what would be their answer.

If we were to send our request to the Sultan in the manner described, we would convince him that Your Majesty – as is stated at the beginning of our instructions – was showing constant goodwill, from the day you started to cherish your friendship with the sultan to the present day. Moreover, Your Majesty expresses the wish not only to renew the friendship, but to make it even deeper and stronger. Bearing in mind that Your Majesty was convinced of the friendship of the almighty Sultan and the protection of the Pasha, we ask for peace in the name of Your Majesty, which the Sultan himself would surely wish to approve because, in his opinion too, it is worthy of his approval by all its items.

This was advised to us by the Pasha himself, in whose benevolence Your Majesty is convinced to the extent that there is nothing so important that you would not dare to confide to him. Thus let the Pasha agree to show his trust towards Your Majesty in this matter too, and help him with his advice. These were the most important items of the plea for peace, which we then elaborated during our conversation and supplemented with different suggestions and arguments, as His Lordship Giovanni Maria× will inform you verbally.

[73] After we agreed on all of this in the manner described, we were taken to see Rüstem Pasha× on the afternoon of August 26. He received us privately, without the public splendor of his court, but with honors. He instructed us to sit down and to speak without mediators. After we had saluted him officially, we granted him our credentials and gifts, together with Hasan Bey.[12] Afterwards, we delivered our prepared speech. He benevolently listened to it and accepted it, and then thanked Your Majesty for the salutations, gifts and Hasan Bey.

Afterwards, being barely able to listen to the beginning of the speech, he immediately gestured with his outstretched hand, signaling to us to stop speaking and said that, if we wanted peace, we should not say anything about Transylvania×. If, on the other hand, we were instructed to ask for Transylvania×, it would be better not to even mention our mission. In that case, he said, we had come in vain. We should have not come at all, because the sultan had already decided and confirmed by oath that Transylvania× would be bequeathed to John’s son.[13] If the King does not satisfy the Sultan in this regard, he will never secure neither his friendship, nor peace. Furthermore, it is dishonorable to expel the boy – who was entrusted by his father to the Sultan and who was for a long time in Sultan’s custody – so unfairly from his country, moreover, to appropriate this territory that will anyway become property of the Sultan.

Such a grave interruption loomed over us like a shadow. Demonstrating modesty with the expression of our faces and with the manner of our speech, we declared to him that we do not wish to do anything that could offend the almighty Sultan or His Exalted Lordship. However, we cannot keep silent and not mention what we had been instructed to say, because the orators are the means by which absent rulers talk to each other about their affairs of state. Besides, if His Exalted Lordship does not want for us to claim Transylvania×, at least let him not (we be- [74] seech him) forbid us to talk about the matter of which we wished to inform him in more detail. If he were to be informed of the real state of affairs, he would realize that those who are accusing our King with their lies and fabrications are, in fact, striving to exculpate themselves from the punishment for their own crime by causing damage to others.

He did not allow us to do that, although we on many occasions attempted to return to that topic, in order to impel him to talk about it. He barely allowed us to open our mouths, constantly replying that he had told us many times not to talk about Transylvania×. Thereafter we consulted a bit among ourselves about what to do. We asked each other what to hope for concerning the entire Hungary× if we are forbidden to speak even about Transylvania×. Since we had little time to change the content of our speech and ask for a more opportune moment, we were forced to return again to that topic, because the next day the Sultan, accompanied by the Pasha, was departing from Istanbul×. Besides, Rüstem Pasha× did not tolerate delays and it seemed as if he had already become very ill-tempered. He declared that the Sultan had already prepared his army and had sent is emissaries to Kazul Pasha to plea for peace. The Sultan, in fact, firmly decided to at- [75] tack Hungary×, which he will definitely do if the Pasha does not dissuade him from this decision. Rüstem Pasha× then said that the decision on peace and war was in the hands of our king: if he does not return Transylvania× to the boy, there will be war, and if he does, he will acquire peace which would apply only to those parts of the kingdom that he has in his possession. We did not say anything about the rest, because according to Turkish law,[14] it is not permissible to recall anything that they believe to be in accordance with God’s will and for which they had vowed to their Prophet.

Afterwards, we decided to begin from the introductory part of our instructions. Hence we declared that Your Majesty had for a very long time and incessantly contemplated about concluding a friendship with the great Turkish ruler, and therefore wished to conclude a five-year peace. As an introduction to this peace, which should later become more comprehensive and lasting, we would now like to put forward an extensive explanation in order to clarify all these matters to His Highness.[15] Although the peace had been terminated before the agreed deadline by some persons who with utmost devotion regularly strive to obfuscate the unity and concord between the almighty Sultan and Your Majesty,[16] Your Majesty has still remained inclined to His Highness,[17] and is of the same opinion at the present. Your Majesty, in fact, does not want anything else than to renew the broken peace and render it even more comprehensive and stronger. If both Your Majesty and His Highness agree, the subjects and peasants on both sides throughout entire Hungary× could finally rest a bit and respire after so many troubles.

We added that for these reasons Your Majesty was prompted to send emissaries to His Highness who [76] would negotiate on the renewal of the peace treaty and conclude a peace agreement. Since, due to these negotiations, an armistice had to be arranged for the purpose of cessation of hostilities on mutual borders and for the safety of the ambassadors, who had to be sent to the Sublime Porte of His Highness, Your Majesty had requested a peace treaty through Ali Pasha.[18] Then we declared that Your Majesty is thankful to His Highness for accepting a truce that was arranged by His Lordship the Pasha, thereby he sent the ambassadors whom he was due to dispatch. We are, in fact, those ambassadors to whom Your Majesty granted full and permanent authority to lead negotiations with His Highness on the conditions of a peace agreement, providing that those conditions do not diminish the reputation of Your Maj- [77] esty, and are at the same time just and acceptable for His Highness, of which His Highness can ascertain through our credentials.

We intended to elaborate much more by following the instructions given to us, because the Pasha had started to listen more attentively the moment we had told him that Your Majesty asked for peace and friendship from the almighty Sultan. Since the Pasha did not expect us to talk any further and, moreover, exhibiting impatience and reluctance to continue to listen to our speech, he interrupted us and declared that his ruler would totally accept to conclude peace with Your Majesty and forget all the old reasons for hatred as long as he[19] does not request Transylvania× and the territories that he had hitherto appropriated. As far as the rest is concerned, he would grant us peace no matter what we asked for.

We replied to this by declaring that it is impossible to forbid emissaries to ask something and overall to speak, because their honor and their heads are at stake if they do not achieve what they were sent to do – that is, what they were instructed to accomplish. Hence we asked the Pasha for his consent for us to speak about everything, and afterwards His Serene Lordship and His Highness the Sultan can do what they seem most appropriate.

He did not let us do that; instead, he declared what he had been repeating constantly, and that is that we talk in vain because he and his ruler know what we would say. Besides, the Emperor[20] swore that Transylvania× would not belong to anyone but the boy. [21] Even if the boy did not exist, his ruler considered it a grave injustice that this territory was taken from him in such a manner, as he had captured it with his own sword thirty years ago,[22] thus he cannot rest while it is under foreign rule.

We replied to this by declaring that Your Majesty had seized this territory neither by force, nor by deception, nor to the detriment of his sultan, but retook it after it was handed over[23] (thereby we stated in a few words [78] the course of the those events and by all means tried to casually and indirectly say that which we were not supposed to say in our plea, as if it was about something completely different). By taking Transylvania×, Your Majesty did in no way do injustice to his ruler nor inflict harm to John’s son, whereas the boy’s father, then his mother, and finally all those who were entrusted with the care for the boy, were the ones culpable. When we had seen that the Pasha became silent for a bit, we put forward the whole story about the conclusion of peace between Your Majesty and John×,[24] how with this agreement they had agreed on the provisions by which he[25] had deprived his son of the inheritance, how the Queen[26] had decided to deliver Buda× to Your Majesty – and this had evidently been directed against the invincible Sultan – how she had sent the crown from Transylvania× to him and together with her son submitted herself to his loyalty and protection, and had sworn not to do anything directed at reclaiming Transylvania× in the future, and to strive to soften her son, as long as she and her son are given what had been agreed with his father.[27] The Pasha does not have to doubt in the fact that Your Majesty had done all of this with considerable financial expenses, pleasing even Peter Petrović×, as he himself wanted.[28]

To this we added some comments about the false accusations of Peter Petrović× and other people directed against Your Majesty, of which we had newly become aware through the letters. In the letters, a concern is expressed that Your Majesty could take over and mis- [79] use not only Transylvania×, but their estates too. In order that the Pasha would not give credence to these denigrations, we told him that these were false and fictitious, and that these primarily speak to the Sultan of the those who had betrayed him and had been ungrateful. They do not have any other way of correcting their mistakes and washing away from themselves their crimes, but to transfer the guilt to Your Majesty.

This was a good opportunity to even more extensively present this topic before the Pasha, in order to augment the hatred of this kind, who are burdensome to Your Majesty and the entire Christianity.[29] The Pasha, however, considered this and everything else insignificant, as if they had decided not to take into account any reasoning or pay any attention to justice in the case of the boy. He declared that the Sultan had known about all of this, but since he gave this territory to him and, finally, received him in his mercy, he could not have deserted him anymore, for whatever reason.

[80] Afterwards he declared: “If your King knows that Transylvania× and Hungary× are under the rule of the Sultan, who had first defeated King Louis×,[30] and then captured Buda×,[31] why – inasmuch as he is wise and rational and, while striving to win the Sultan’s friendship, calls him almighty and invincible – was he not frightened of the Sultan’s forces when he attempted to take Transylvania× through deceit or dishonesty? And why, before accepting the handover of Transylvania×, did he not first notify our Sultan that they had wished to hand Transylvania× over to him, and ask for an advice if he should receive it or not? Why, after he had taken it, did he not immediately send to the almighty Sultan the usual tribute for both Hungary× and Transylvania× and ask the Sultan if he would have confirmed his rule in Transylvania× and conclude a friendship with him? You see, the appropriate moment for pleading for Transylvania× was at the time when the Sultan was in hostile relations with the Queen, the hermit,[32]Petrović× and the Transylvanians, [81] and not now when the Sultan is inclined to the boy due to his early age and innocence, the awareness of and avowal of sin of all others who surround him, and the enormous trust that this entire province invests in him? There is no doubt that your King would have in this case encountered Sultan’s greater mercy, which he now cannot show in any way. Moreover, I solemnly swear that I myself would not dare to talk about this to the Sultan, so I swear on my life!”

This Pasha’s advice did not seem unreasonable at all, as far as Your Majesty would subject himself to the Turks, God forbid. But since you have not acknowledged your submission to them – which the heavens too would not have allowed – we agonized a lot to answer it. Finally we reduced everything to the trust Your Majesty had in the Sultan and the Pasha’s benevolence, and replied that servants and renegades do everything out of fear, whereas free men and friends do it out of love and trust. When our King had seen that they had the intention to hand Transylvania× over to him and when they incessantly, through messengers and letters, exhorted and impelled him to accept it forthwith because hesitation often does harm to pre-prepared matters, he had done it, in order for it not to seem as if he had scorned their offer. Furthermore, the almighty Sultan was far away, and it seemed to those who wanted to deliver him Transylvania× that it would be terrible if our King would not agree to take it over immediately. Besides, he always firmly believed that this would not embitter the Sultan, who was angry because of the ingratitude of John’s offspring, to whose hands he delivered this province in order for them to pay the usual tribute for it every year. Due to this reason he did not fail to immediately inform the Sultan through numerous [82] letters in which manner and out of which reasons did he take over the rule of Transylvania×. In order to render the Sultan’s friendship more lasting, he was prepared to pay every year the total amount of the tribute that the Queen was paying to be able to rule over it. There was no answer to his letters, and in the meantime the borders of His Majesty were attacked by the Pasha of Buda× from one side, and by Kasım Bey[33] and other commanders with the Sultan’s troops from the other, thereby His Majesty lost every opportunity and hope to negotiate through emissaries, and the care for the protection of his own borders was enforced upon him. His Majesty was especially saddened by the fact that the almighty Sultan, and even His Lordship the Pasha himself, had so quickly given space to the disturbers of peace and readily listened to their slander. If in some case our serene King had been with even one wink warned of what His Highness had thought about him, both His Highness and His Lordship the Pasha himself can rest assured that our King would have not ignored, nor in any other way scorned the serene will of the almighty Sultan, of which His Highness can manifestly ascertain on the example of the present delegation too.

In spite of our petition, the Pasha replied shortly, as he did earlier, incessantly repeating that the wise King should not have done it against the will of the almighty Sultan, and asked how come Your Majesty did not have loyal and prudent advisors by his side, who would have dissuaded him from it. Finally he declared: “Besides, I posit that your King had missed all the chances to ask and receive Transylvania×, and you are striving in vain because not even I can talk to the Sultan without danger anymore.”

[83] Since almost an hour had passed in this conversation, it seemed the Pasha wished for us to withdraw. Then we looked at each other, by nodding our heads and whispering complained to each other about the Pasha’s stubbornness and got to the point. First we asked for permission to burden him with conversation a bit more, and then thanked on behalf of Your Majesty for talking to us so benevolently. Finally we declared:

“Your Most Serene Lordship the Pasha, since we had not accomplished anything of the matters that would have ensured either a temporary or a lasting peace between the almighty Sultan and our King, our serene King asks of His Highness the Sultan such a peace which His Highness would approve, if it were to be both honorable and acceptable. His Majesty invests so much trust in His Highness and longs for friendship and total consensus with His Highness, that he completely leaves the conclusion of a peace agreement to His decision, in order to confuse those who still strive to cast doubt on His good intentions toward His Highness.

In a similar manner our serene King, aside from the benevolence of the almighty Sultan, wishes to inspire the benevolence of Your Serene Lordship, besides the fact that His Royal Highness remembers well all the things that his numerous ambassadors and messengers, whom he had sent earlier to the Sublime Porte of His Highness, had conveyed to His Highness about the excellent and always very evident will and readiness of His Lordship the Pasha to intercede for and take care of the establishment of a firm and reliable peace, serenity and friendship between His Majesty and the almighty Sultan, as well as their kingdoms, estates, peoples and subjects. At the same time, we do not ignore the fact that this last five-year peace too was approved by His Highness at the persuasion and encouragement of His Serene Lordship. Due to his effort and sympathy, our serene King promises to demonstrate all possible gratitude to Your Serene Lordship, and in so doing, by all means taking into account both his honor and his benefit.

When His Majesty had the intention to plead for peace from the almighty Sultan, he instructed us to do so in accordance with the advice and with the help of Your Serene Lordship. At the same time, he expressly ordered us – in the event the almighty Sultan [84] and pashas should oppose His Majesty concerning the approval of this peace or in some other matters – to address Your Serene Lordship as his only and most loyal advocate and friend who is utmost inclined to him, and will undoubtedly express the same inclination in the future. Thus we humbly plead for His Serene Lordship’s instruction on how we should that.”

The Pasha visibly gladdened upon hearing this, because we demonstrated how much Your Majesty appreciated him by wishing to rely on his advice when pleading for peace. Furthermore, not one part of the kingdom was thereby mentioned, nor Transylvania×, of which he completely persuaded us should not be asked for. Thereupon he replied in a couple of sentences, stating that Your Majesty decided well when you left this decision to the almighty Sultan and asked for his advice. Since the Pasha was always a friend and protector of His Majesty, and he wishes to be that now too, he cannot give a better advice regarding this peace agreement than the one he would have given himself. The Sultan will leave aside and forget all the bygone hate, hostilities and hatred, and approve a new peace to Your Majesty and renew the old one if it would not include the mention of Transylvania× and of territories that belong to Hungary×. As regards the rest, he would do and approve of everything that Your Majesty wishes, in order that the part of the kingdom which he holds under his rule would remain secure and peaceful. Your Majesty, furthermore, will enjoy even more abundant fruits of the Sultan’s friendship in the future if he would ensure that his subjects firmly uphold peace and if he pleases His Highness by relinquishing Transylvania×.

Even after this we did not give up completely, but have still tried to do what we could during the meeting because we did not have enough time and because everyone would become insulted at the mere mention of Transylvania×. Thus we gave up from everything else and strived to acquire Transylvania× in any possible way. We began to offer presents of Your Majesty to both the Sultan and the Pasha himself. He did not care too much for it, but he ordered for an answer to be conveyed to us that his ruler does nothing for money, but only for reputation and glory, and that he considers great shame that he was expelled from Transylvania×. If our King would want to give all of the gold and silver that he holds in his kingdoms for the [85] smallest peace of Transylvanian land, even then he would not succeed in dissuading the Sultan from his decision. To himself,[34] on the other hand, his master’s opinion is immensely important, as if every day he finds hundred thousand ducats under his pillow.

He dismissed us with those words and from Rüstem Pasha× we departed to see Ahmed Pasha×,[35] who was supposed to leave for Hungary× the next day. We offered a gift to him too and delivered as much as was asked from us. That day we could not visit the others anymore because the night had fallen.

The next day, August 27, we were taken to the Divan[36] in order for all the Pashas to hear us out and for the Sultan to receive us because an extraordinary Di- [86] van was to be assembled in our honor. There, Rüstem Pasha× questioned us carefully and one after the other about what we discussed in private with him and with respect to the matter at hand. We responded by repeating what we said earlier, only this time he did not warn us not to mention Transylvania× as he had usually been suggesting, with the explanation that we had full authority to negotiate and to conclude a peace treaty, and that it would be uncommon if we were not to be given a chance to do it, especially because His Majesty designated us as his advisors in his letter.

Since we could not evade this difficulty in no other way because our answers and suggestions were focused on the intention to voluntarily mention Transylvania×, finally we declared that it was true that we were advisors of Your Majesty, but that we know only that what was deemed appropriate to be conveyed to us, and that we do not have permission to sign everything that would be asked of us here, but only that which would not be to the detriment of Your Majesty. Besides, Your Majesty had invested such an enormous trust in the almighty Sultan and in the benevolence of His Lordship the Pasha himself that, when had he sent us here, he did not believe at all in the possibility that Transylvania× would have been [87] denied to him. He did not only disbelieve, but he did not even think of the possibility that the Sultan would so much insist on Transylvania×. Hence he diligently, sincerely and adamantly relied on the friendship and benevolence of His Highness. Therefore His Majesty did not allow us to make any decisions regarding Transylvania×, apart from that which we had declared many times before. If we had even had some secret assignment to this effect, after so many interdictions and open commands not to discuss this province, as well as the decision to deprive His Majesty Our King of all those things which we previously requested, we would have completely stopped mentioning Transylvania×. Since this we were not ordered to do this, even if our heads were at stake, we would not be allowed to sign it according to the wishes of the almighty Sultan. Therefore we express tremendous gratitude to His Highness and His Lordship the Pasha for accepting a peace which in our opinion will be even more agreeable to Your Highness because it was concluded according to the advice of His Lordship the Pasha.

(We will also not keep silent on the things said in passing in the Divan because this can offer a clearer insight in the friendly or unfriendly intentions of people. Mouths many times speak about the things that had accumulated in the heart. So, while Vrančić× during the conversation instructed the interpreter on what to respond to the Pasha, the Pasha turned around to Zay×:[37] “Do you speak Croatian?” he asked. “I do”, he replied. “And your colleague?” He responded: “He does too.” Then he asked where he and Vrančić× are from. Zay× replied that he was Hungarian, while Vrančić× was Dalmatian. The Pasha was astonished by the fact that Zay× speaks Croatian so well. Then he added, repeating twice: “Your King cannot be trusted, your King cannot be trusted” and fell si- [88] lent. Then Zay× replied: “Our King, Your Lordship the Pasha, can be trusted and I am amazed that Your Serene Lordship has such an opinion on our King, when a king can never utter a lie. Even more so it cannot be done by our King, who is the greatest of all Christian kings.” Afterwards he asked the Pasha what was the thing he did not believe Our Majesty. Then the Pasha said: “Why did he not respect the armistice?” Zay× responded: “The King respected the armistice and it was not disturbed nor infringed by his will, but out of malice of those who did not want in any way for the most powerful Sultan and my King to live in harmony.” The Pasha then said: “You believe this?” “Not only do I believe this”, replied Zay×, “but I know it for a fact.” Then he hung his face in sign of grief and disappointment for being forced to patiently listen such things about his ruler, so the Pasha passed to another topic. But then Vrančić× declared that he does not know Croatian because he wanted to evade the situation in which the Pasha would speak in Croatian about serious matters. We mention only in passing what we had to endure due to given circumstances.)

In the meantime, we very extensively presented different other questions. Since they had been constantly inciting us concerning Transylvania×, whereas we had not responded by saying anything specific regarding its concession, all for pashas took us to see the Sultan. The details of how kindly the Sultan received us will be transmitted to you orally by His Lordship Giovanni Maria×. As the Turks themselves had told us, the Sultan treated us far more graciously than he did the ambassadors of any ruler in the past many years, by granting us permission for our responses and discourses to be three or four times longer than usual. We ourselves could not estimate this, although it seemed it was not common that the Sultan would speak so lengthily with Christian rulers. As some of the Turks and His Lordship Giovanni Maria× had informed us, the Sultan speaks more concisely when he announces his favor. Thus at the very beginning he asked the Pasha if a conclusion of peace could be allowed in any way. Your Serene Highness will be more appropriately notified on this and other matters by His Lordship Giovanni Maria×.

After we were taken to see the Sultan, we were for the second time instructed to sit at the Divan. [89] There they questioned us repeatedly about almost everything that was discussed earlier, including the matters which were not in our instructions. We were quite distrustful because, while we were answering, they were catching our every word in order to force us to give them a more specific answer about the blessed[38]Transylvania×, especially because the Pasha, while we were leaving from the Sultan, said to someone that he will perform a miracle[39] for us to return. This means that he would do something strange and unusual, as the interpreter had told us. When the Pasha had seen that we were replying to all questions and that we had not been offended because of it, nor had given up from our intention, he declared: “You should know that on this day the almighty Sultan had renewed the peace with your serene king, thus ignoring and forgetting any hatred and all reasons for enmity, of which we had discussed before. The peace will be renewed in the same manner and under the same conditions under which the former peace treaty, which had recently expired, had been concluded. This means His Majesty is promised peaceful hold and possession of the entire part of the Hungarian Kingdom which he possesses now, as far as your King on behalf of the almighty Sultan relinquishes Transylvania× to John’s son. Since you do not have the jurisdiction to negotiate and make decisions concerning Transylvania×, the almighty Sultan wishes that one of you brings as soon as possible the decision of His Royal Highness. We would like for John Maria× to be the one who would travel with this task, as he had so far endured a lot for His Majesty and had served him well and faithfully, as you can attest yourselves. In the meantime, the two of you will wait for him here. So, write to your King and consult him so that he would satisfy the wish of the almighty Sultan in this matter, if he intends to rely on his friendship, rather than his enmity, in the future. Urge him, moreover, to send Giovanni Maria× back here with his decision on the mentioned question and to order him to continue to perform the ambassadorial duty here, because we do not wish any other ambassador. As for you, he dismisses you in peace and with all honors.”

[90] We also talked about the eternal peace to which the sons and descendants of both rulers would commit themselves in the following manner. According to the instructions, we had the task to plead for a six-year truce if they would deliver Lippa×,[40]Solymos×[41] and Szolnok×[42] to Your Majesty. If they would not be willing to give over anything, then we would ask for a truce for only a few years, as it is stated in the next article of the instructions. When we had seen and realized that they did not intend to deliver to Your Majesty any of the captured locations, and the Pasha, moreover, opposed the renewal of the expired peace agreement and the conclusion of the armistice, in our diligence we have not exceeded the limit of five years. Thus we immediately declared that Your Majesty would be pleased with a peace lasting five years, especially because after the return of Giovanni Maria× the limit could have been either shortened or extended, depending on the wishes of Your Majesty. This is what the Pasha had promised too. As regards the mentioned limit, the Pasha wondered why we would not ask for the mentioned peace to last until the death of one of the rulers. He seemed suspicious because he declared with ridicule that it seemed to him that we were pleading for some respite until a new war is being prepared. We replied differently than he might have hoped. We declared that Your Majesty asked for a peace which the Sultan had approved, and since he promised to renew the old peace agreement, we did not even bother asking for a longer one because this one can always be extended if it would meet the needs of both sides. “Besides, Your Lordship the Pasha, let Your Serene Lordship know that we would have come asking or giving an eternal peace that would have lasted for the life of your or our ruler, and even their children and their entire progeny, if we were allowed to ask for some of the territories that you had conquered with arms. Thus, you see, great reconciliations and great friendships are kindled and strengthened, which would greatly [91] honor and benefit your Emperor in the future, because then the honorary gifts that our King would bountifully give to the almighty Sultan, apart from great friendship, would certainly afford His Highness many more other things.”

He laughed and only replied that it was needless to conclude a peace that would last for the rule of sons and descendants. “Who can arrange with certainty something on behalf of future rulers, especially in our empire? We do not have a habit of returning something that we had conquered with sword and the places where we had built our temples and where we pray to and invoke God and our Prophet, because it is forbidden by our laws and our holy books. If the peace suits our Sultan, and you wish to keep it persistently, we will approve it until his death.”

We did not reply to this anymore because we have been speaking in vain. It seemed we needed to accept the offered time limit for the armistice because it had been offered so easily and fast, as if God’s Majesty had wished to help the Christian cause more than [92] people themselves believed, and even in a better way than for Your Majesty to conclude a long lasting alliance with the people who have no sincere feelings for the Christians and do not know to rule or live differently than to always have someone around to rob and to take prisoners from.

We did not excuse ourselves from further conversation on this topic, Our Kind King, by declaring that we were not able to conduct well the affairs of Your Majesty, or by not knowing how to arrange the deal more favorably (although we are certainly aware of our weaknesses), or by the fact that we had missed the chance to test more appropriate ways to accomplish our goal, but by humbly declaring that we had diligently, laboriously, carefully and faithfully done all that we have been allowed to do, and that nothing more could have been wished for, as our colleague, His Lordship Giovanni Maria×, had undoubtedly recounted and confirmed to you. We leave it to him to inform you orally about this matter and about all other questions, because it would take too much time to write about all the details. The Pasha declared that the Sultan was very much worried that Transylvania× was not to be taken from the boy and, if we were to talk using human and not divine words, and human and not divine mouths, we would not have accomplished anything but a mere prolongation of the armistice. Thus we were dismissed from the Divan.

Afterwards we went to visit the other two pashas, İbrahim and Haydar, each of them in his own house. We offered a gift to them too, as we did to others, and delivered letters in which we carefully recommended the affairs of Your Majesty. All three of them[43] conversed with us very kindly and pleaded for the benevolence of Your Majesty. But as you will learn from His Lordship Giovanni Maria×, they could not have been of almost any benefit. One of them took everything with him and acted as if he were the sultan; thus we are really afraid that he had went over to the side of someone else, and that he had sided with Your Majesty only seemingly. His Lordship Maria× will tell you more about it. We, on the other hand, as far as the circumstances allowed, have come to an unambiguous conclusion that we are asking in vain from this ruler even the smallest location that he had brought under his rule, as long as his rule is stable and as long as luck is on his side. [93] Something could be acquired from him only with the power of weapons, and only when his authority would be diminished for some reason or, by God’s will, an unexpected opportunity would occur, in order for him to deign to grant us what we humbly pray for and convey to him with respect. We believe that we had never acted unbecomingly, and this can be attested by His Lordship Giovanni Maria×.

Afterwards, on August 28, the Sultan passed over to the Asian Chalcedon× or Üsküdar, place that is located across from Istanbul×. The next day, August 29, we were called before the Pasha in order to finish the remaining affairs. Beforehand we had promised to him that we would resent in writing the conditions according to which the mentioned peace should have been renewed. Although we had sent a letter[44] to the Pasha through the interpreter the previous day, we brought with us another copy in order to be able to discuss everything more easily. As fast and appropriate as we could, we extracted from our instructions, without omitting anything, the conditions which we send to Your Majesty too, without failing to report everything to you about all our activities.

We could not acquire any of the lost locations, and we could also not negotiate freely about Szolnok× because the Pasha had declared that Szolnok× had been given to the Turks who expected many gains in Hungary×, as well as in Transylvania×. Even when we had merely asked for the destruction of Zechen[45] for the purpose of greater security of the road that leads to Eger×,[46] he unwillingly listened to our words in a similar manner. However, he [94] did not take away all hope from us, if Your Majesty replies favorably in the matter of Transylvania×.

The Pasha received us in some Chalcedon× garden where we have incessantly been dragged into new arguments. He led difficult negotiations with us on the topic of settling the position of serfs and other subjects, the destruction of Zechen×, the reduction of the honorary tribute and the events in Transylvania×, so that we were forced to, after almost one hour and a half, constantly talk anew about these topics. Finally the following was agreed: when he were informed on the desirable reply of Your Majesty regarding Transylvania×, and then a five-year peace is signed and confirmed, the serfs who until now had paid the taxes to both sides will furthermore be obliged to pay it to both sides. After the peace agreement is concluded, commissioners will be appointed and they will review and implement the provisions of the peace treaty which concern this and other articles. When His Lordship Giovanni Maria× had returned after this, we retold to him all of this and instructed him to return with a favorable answer regarding Transylvania×. The Pasha had in fact postponed the decision on both the honorary tribute and Zechen×, and then on everything else, until his[47] return, declaring that all provisions of the peace agreement depend on the ceding of Transylvania×.

During the meeting the Pasha added that the Sultan had promised that he would not, if John’s son dies or if the Polish King, his uncle, or some other situation averts him from entering Transylvania×, send there a Turkish administrator nor Turkish garrisons, but Christian ones. This he mentioned so that we would believe him more. But we still could not completely decipher what he had meant by that. Thus we implore Your Majesty to carefully reflect on the decision in this respect. We believe it concerns Polish or French interests, or the aspirations of some Transylvanian notable. Perhaps the Pasha, by rousing some distant and totally unjustified hope of yours, wanted to persuade you to surrender Transylvania×. It is really difficult to assess what stands behind this proposition. We will nevertheless ensure that we discover something in the meantime, although until now we did not venture to talk about it a great deal, in order [95] not to declare something that the Turks could have used in their advantage. Therefore, we entrust all our hopes to Your Majesty.

There was much discussion about the honorary tribute too. The Pasha, did in no way want to concede to the decreasing of his share to fifty thousand forints, although we had told him that the fortune of Your Majesty had been greatly reduced due to the last war, and we have also exaggerated the other reasons which we had stated. After we had finally agreed to the amount of seventy thousand forints, we promised both to His Highness the Sultan and to the Pasha himself even more money if he were to arrange that the Sultan stops being angry at Your Majesty because of Transylvania×. “Let us forget”, he declared, “everything concerning Transylvania×. We will discuss the honorary tribute and everything else that you propose when Giovanni Maria× returns. Why does the Royal Majesty not allocate the gift for the agreed peace to me, because if I will not arrange it, who else could arrange it? If you wish to reduce the gift to the Sultan, you must not reduce the gift to me.” Although it seemed he was kidding because he laughed while saying it, he did not lie at all. We replied that Your Majesty does not tend to be ungrateful and that His Royal Highness will, after the Sultan, especially take [96] care of it as long as he would feel he was under the sincere protection of His Serene Lordship. Thus let he[48] order the order the scribes to write a letter to Your Majesty regarding the approval of peace and the cession of Transylvania×, and let he send a written order to the Pasha of Buda× concerning a six-month extension of the truce until the end of the mandate of this embassy. We will in the meantime stay here, not voluntarily or in anticipation of an amnesty which can be approved even for the people who are in the most rigorous prison, but so that it would not seem as if we had denied support to the interests of His Majesty and His kingdoms, even if we had to pay with our heads. All of this should be taken into consideration in order for Your Serene Majesty to be informed as good as possible on all circumstances, and not only the present ones, but the former too, after you have received His Lordship Giovanni Maria×, who had learned so well everything concerning their customs, and even their modes and procedures of doing different things and affairs, so we should hope that the Pasha will send him in the future with this purpose. Of course, it also concerns our wish to return from this stinking swamp.[49] But God’s will and Your Serene Majesty’s will be done.

During the meeting the Pasha also mentioned that Your Majesty had often asked the Turkish sultan for peace, whereas our people never completely uphold it. And since this is our fault, as he declared, that the peace is being broken, thus it is always us who endures more damage from them than inflicting it upon them. He was persuading us that is was undoubtedly God’s punishment in order for us to, as he declared, long remember such occasions. “Did it not happen that you have, before we had decided to conclude peace and friendship with you, managed to cut the nose and ears to one of our envoys and to send him back so disfigured in order to demonstrate contempt toward our Sultan and all of us? When we had intended to take revenge for this injustice, did you not due to the misfortune of one man lose Székesfehérvár×[50] and the king and king- [97] dom? When you had, by breaking a five-year truce, captured Transylvania× and Timişoara, did you not lose more than you had gained? We had retaken, by God’s will, the fortress of Bečej×,[51] in which earlier we had established our religious customs and agonized for so long in order to return it. Therefore, if again you King does not take into consideration the power of our Sultan and scorns his demands, let him take heed not to lose much more than what he had lost so far because we will take Vienna× too.”

We replied to this humbly and with only a few words, stating that our King does not tend to mutilate the limbs of envoys, but to honorably negotiate with them and honorably release them, regardless of the fact which ruler sends them. Besides, although we have heard about the misfortune of some envoy of yours, this did not happen in the time of our King Ferdinand×, but during the rule of King Louis×.[52] Furthermore, our King knows nothing about Louis× or his decision to which he was probably persuaded by some ruthless and unscrupulous men, because our King would never allow such a thing. As for the demand according to which the fortress of Bečej× is requested from our King, one can only declare that he had gotten it only a short period of time before he had lost it. The one to blame for this is Queen Isabella×, as well as Peter Petrović×, as she never wanted to return this fortress to the Sultan, and instead sought a thousand excuses and false justifications in order not to comply with the wish of the Sultan, who not only did not resent her act at all, but moreover, showered her with gifts and graces. If someone were to oppose our King so brazenly, this would have been considered as an utterly hostile behavior.

It is to you to assess, Most Kind King, the severity of these reproaches of theirs, and what was their intention. We only noticed and demonstrated to you their maliciousness that is directed against Your Majesty.

[98] The Pasha had even asked us in the Divan if we ask for peace on behalf of Emperor Charles×[53] too (they call him the Spaniard) and if he wished to be included in the peace agreement. We responded by saying that we ask for peace only on behalf of our serene king, because we did not receive any authorization from His Imperial Majesty. But if the almighty Sultan wishes to demonstrate himself as a benevolent and generous ruler toward his dearest brother too, His Imperial Majesty will too undoubtedly consider it amicably and demonstrate affection toward the almighty Sultan. Since we had responded to the question with this short answer, the Pasha passed to another topic, so we stopped speaking too.

When we had afterwards finally remained alone with the Pasha in the garden, he asked us why Emperor Charles× did not go to war with the French king× last year.[54] We replied that His Imperial Majesty, of course, is not exhausted with war, but he had been dissuaded from it by two reasons. The first is that he is terrified of spilling Christian blood, and the second that the was considerate to the King’s× age,[55] as the King is still young and he had accepted him as a son at the time when he had subordinated himself as to a father.[56] The first few years there was a mutual friendship between them, although it was pretense by the French king because, as soon as he had collected enough money, he returned the amount his father had lost. After finally preparing everything needed for war and by instigating some rebellion in Italy×,[57] [99] he went to war against him, and our emperor did not suspect anything.[58] He did not do this for himself, but to take revenge because our emperor had captured his father and inflicted him numerous defeats.[59] But everything was in vain. How the French were able to save themselves from this situation, ask the French [100] [101] themselves. The Pasha listened to all of this, but did not reply anything specific. He only asked a question regarding some African town, if the Turks should destroy it or return what they had asked for. As much as we could understand from what he had mentioned in passing, this could be of great benefit to Your Majesty. But we will not go further about Africa because His Lordship Giovanni Maria× will be able to talk better about it.

On this occasion too, the Pasha incessantly insisted on the obligation toward the boy and declared that Your Majesty should not have thrown him out of Transylvania×. We replied that our King should by no means be blamed for that because, if it is allowed to speak by right of law and by right of justice, this is not about the Sultan’s jurisdiction since, as the almighty Sultan knows very well, neither the boy, nor Hungary×, nor Transylvania×, were never in question, but his father, besides the fact that he had disinherited his son by his own free will, was himself a homo novus[60] who had seized the royal power through wickedness and intrigues. Since he did not any legitimate rights to the crown, he had to be grateful to the military assistance of the almighty Sultan because if it were not for this help, death would have undoubtedly struck him in exile in Poland×. Since heroes have all the same traits, our serene King is also aware of the strength of the forces which the Sultan already has in Hungary× and is aware of the influence and friendly affection of His Highness. “Thereby we plead of Your Serene Lordship to deign to grant our wish.” In the moment when we were discussing the condition of serfs, we rose up from our chairs and asked him to listen to our pleas, whereat we, apart from our oratory skills, demonstrated our emotions too. And this was not in vain. Therefore, after we had finished our conversation and when we were finally instructed to sit down, we requested him to allow for the serfs – as we had asked for – to be liberated from taxes on both sides, as it had previously been discussed.

There is nothing more that we would like to add to this description of our activities, which will be supplemented where necessary by His Lordship Giovanni Maria×. Your Majesty should – by putting aside [102] everything else for which the appropriate time had still not come – make a decision on your own about Transylvania×, a decision which to you seems the best. In the end, whatever His Majesty wishes and orders us to say or do after the return of His Lordship Giovanni Maria×, we can generously promise all of that, as is expected from the most loyal servants.

Our kindest King, we forgot to mention in the description of our activities what we had finally given to Ahmed Pasha. As is stated in the introduction of our instructions, we did it when he had of his own will given us the chance to try to do it, and he often repeated when, how and what we had to do in order to have some of the territories ceded to us. “Yesterday, Most Serene Lordship the Pasha, you had mentioned that, if our King returns Transylvania× to the son of King John according to the will of the almighty Sultan, we could have asked from His Highness something from the rest, by declaring that unity and peace, for which we labor so much, could have easily been realized under the condition that each side gives something and cedes to the other side. Therefore, if we presume that our King will return Transylvania× to John’s son according to the will of His Highness the Sultan, these are the things which we consider His Highness can cede to our King, with the exception of the things His Majesty would maybe ask for, and we do not know his opinion about that for now.” Thus we did not declare anything specific about that or negotiated, and only assuming that, as had been stated earlier, Your Majesty decides so. Thus we asked for the following:

That John’s son is given only Transylvania× in its common and ancient borders;

If it happens that John’s son would die without male issue, and our King and his sons remain alive, let His Highness the almighty Sultan deign to be satisfied with our King becoming the heir and possessor of Transylvania×, and after our King his most serene sons, who would nevertheless maintain the confederal alliance with His Highness and pay the honorary tribute;

For Nagyvárad× and Gyula×[61] with all other fortresses and places in Hungary× which are located on the other bank of Timiş,[62] and which at the begin [103] ning of his rule had belonged to Transylvania×, to be ceded to our King in order for him to be able to more easily pay the tribute for Hungary×, since the parts of the kingdom that were captured during the last war have not been returned to His Majesty;

Due to the mentioned reduction of his royal area, for the tribute to be reduced for our King, and finally for its amount to be seventy thousand ducats;

For our King to be granted an extension of the truce for another five years for Hungary×. After that period, both sides would be allowed to extend it;

For all subjects and serfs, those of the almighty Sultan and of our King, who had until now paid the tribute and the tithe and had done services to both sides, to pay the mentioned tribute and the tithe and do their services likewise in the future;

For the almighty Sultan to deign to return to our King the fortresses of Fülek×[63] and Salgó×[64] with all their associated inhabitants and other properties and possessions, canons and ammunition, which were captured during the present period of armistice;

For His Highness to deign to return to His Majesty the prisoners from Eger× and Érsekújvár×,[65] as well as all others who were captured during the mentioned armistice both in other parts of Hungary× and in Slavonia×, Croatia×, in the Senj× Littoral[66] and in other places, and these comprise more than five hundred people;

Regarding the return of the prisoners, for High Highness to deign to order Their Lordships the Pashas of Buda×, Timişoara× and Bosnia and the Sanjakbeys of Klis×[67] and Požega×[68] not to do differently from what was ordered;

For His Highness to order, as a sign of generosity and benevolence toward our King and for the better strengthening of this peace and for the tranquility of the miserable subjects, the destruction and demolition of the following fortresses: in Hungary×Szolnok×, Zech [104] en×, Drégely×,[69]Veszprém×,[70]Wytam,[71]Geztes×[72] and Hollókő×,[73] and in Slavonia×Čazma×[74] and Ivanić×,[75] if these cannot be returned to His Majesty. His Majesty will gratefully ensure that His Highness is compensated for this;

Finally, for all those estates and counties which before this armistice have not paid the tribute, nor have done services for His Highness, but have during the mentioned armistice been forced again to pay the mentioned taxes, to be freed of this burden of paying and service, in order for the miserable serfs not to be destroyed, and for them to return freely under the rule of their possessors.

If the matters concerning Transylvania× could be resolved as we stated above, we plead for him to inform us about this, so that we could through our colleague inform His Royal Highness. If His Royal Highness were to become informed of this, maybe in the future he could change his opinion, although we cannot promise anything as regards the attitude of His Majesty.

To this we received a somewhat confusing answer: that this is too much, that it is highly egregious and therefore this will not happen and so on, as our colleague will inform you.

Therefore, from all of this Your Majesty will be able to understand that we had tried really everything, but we did not find anything other among the Turks than stubborn assiduity.

Fußnoten

[1] The ambassadors wished to say that they completed their journey from Buda× to Istanbul× faster than the average traveler, since they traveled for thirty days, that is, between July 26th and August 25th. Indeed, their journey was fast above average, in comparison to the average duration of a voyage on this route in the former and latter decades. Petar Matković, “Putovanja po Balkanskom poluotoku XVI. vieka. XIII. Putopisi Stj. Gerlacha i Sal. Schweigera, ili opisi putovanja carskih poslanstava u Carigrad, naime Davida Ungnada od g. 1573.–78. i Joach. Sinzendorfa od g. 1577.“, Rad Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti. Razredi filologičko-historički i filosofičko-juridički 39 (1893), Vol. 116, pp. 110–111.

[2] Chiaus (Ottoman Turkish: çavuş, messenger) was a lower army rank in Ottoman army, with variations in meaning in different periods of the Ottoman Empire. Chiauses, among other things, served as messengers in the service of the Sultan, the viziers and other high state officials. In this case, chiauses were officials in charge of security of foreign diplomatic representatives, who they accompanied on their journeys through the Ottoman Empire. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1966), pp. 166–167.

[3] Agha (Ottoman Turkish: ağa, great; lord, chief, commander) was an army rank in the Ottoman army and a honorific title for dignitaries who were not members of the Ottoman intelligentsia or aristocracy. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1966), p. 72.

[4] Dragoman (Arabic: tärğumān, Ottoman Turkish: tercümān, modern Greek: dragomános, interpreter) was an official interpreter in service of foreign diplomatic and trade representatives and embassies in the Ottoman Empire and in other Middle Eastern states, who knew Ottoman Turkish, Persian and Arabic languages or only one of the above, and a number of European languages. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi, p. 225.

[5] Ottoman Sultan Suleiman I the Magnificent× (ruled 1520–1566).

[6] This name refers to the Safavid ruler, Shah Tahmasp I (ruled 1524–1576), whereas the name “Kazul Pasha” probably derived from a misunderstood name for the Persian, that is, Safavid enemy of the Ottoman Empire. Qizilbash (Ottoman Turkish: kızılbaş, “red head”) were members of various Shiite military groups fighting on the side of the Safavid Empire in the area of Anatolia, Kurdistan and Azerbaijan during the 15th and 16th centuries. Their red heads symbolized their loyalty to the Safavid dynasty. The word kazul means “Persian” in Early Modern Hungarian language. Pasha (Ottoman Turkish: paşa) was an army rank in the Ottoman army on a par with a European general, and a name for the commander of a pashalik, that is, an Ottoman province. Ágnes Drosztmér, “The good fowler as a world conqueror: images of Suleyman the Magnificent in early modern Hungarian literary practice“, in: Marianna D. Birnbaum and Marcell Sebők, Practices of Coexistence. Constructions of the Other in Early Modern Perceptions (Budapest; New York: Central European University Press, 2017), pp. 12–13; Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi, pp. 511–512.

[7] Rüstem Pasha× (c. 1500–1561), Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, that is, Sultan’s deputy in state affairs and the second official of the Empire, between 1544 and 1553 and again between 1555 and 1561. He was probably of Croatian origin and from the environs of the Croatian town of Skradin×.

[8] Giovanni Maria Malvezzi,× first Habsburg residential ambassador in Istanbul×. Due to Sultan Suleiman’s dissatisfaction with Malvezzi’s answers concerning the status of Transylvania×, the Sultan imprisoned the ambassador. Malvezzi’s correspondence was published under the title Austro-Turcica. Diplomatische Akten des habsburgischen Gesandtschaftsverkehrs mit dem Hohen Pforte im Zeitalter Süleyman des Prächtigen, eds. Srećko M. Džaja and Günter Weiss, München, Oldenbourg Verlag, 1995.

[9] After the capture of Buda× in 1541, the Ottomans held the part of the Kingdom of Hungary× bordered by the towns of Pécs×, Esztergom× and Szeged×. In 1551, the Habsburg Archduke and Hungarian and Croatian King Ferdinand I× (1503–1564) sent an army to Transylvania× in order for it to counter further Ottoman penetration. However, the next year the Ottomans conquered the Hungarian towns of Timișoara, Szolnok× and Drégely. For further details, cf. Péter Hának (ed.), Povijest Mađarske, Zagreb: Barbat, 1995, p. 66.

[10] Hürrem× (known in the West as Roxelana; lived 1502–1558), official wife of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent×.

[11] Mihrimah× (c. 1522–1578), daughter of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent× and Hürrem×, and wife of Grand Vizier Rüstem Pasha×.

[12] This person was not identified. He was probably a prisoner of war who the Habsburg delegation had brought with them in order to deliver him to the Ottoman officials as a gesture of goodwill and a pledge for future negotiations.

[13] The person in question is John Sigismund× (1540–1571), underage son of John Zápolya× (1487–1540) and Isabella Jagiellon× (1519–1559). After the death of John Sigismund’s father, Habsburg Archduke and King of Hungary×Ferdinand I× besieged Buda× in order to consolidate his position in the fight for the Crown of Hungary×. Bishop György Martinuzzi× (Croatian: Juraj Utješinović, Utješenović, or Utišenić, 1482–1551) opposed Ferdinand’s ambitions and called Ottoman Sultan Süleyman I the Magnificent× (1494–1566) to help him and the Transylvanian cause. The Sultan expelled the Habsburg army in 1541 and took Buda× for himself. Afterwards Süleyman× adopted John Sigismund× and sent him to Transylvania× together with his mother.

[14] European nations have on numerous occasions used the adjective “Turkish” when naming the Ottoman Empire, and its Ottoman subjects “Turks”, although the adjective “Turkish” is much more suitable for a state in which the Turkish ethnic group formed a minority when compared to numerous other ethnic groups within the Empire. Members of the ruling class of the Ottoman Empire called themselves the Ottomans and never called themselves Turks, which was the term that they used for the rural population of Anatolia. Cf. Milorad Pavić, Jugoistočna Europa pod osmanskom vlašću. Od pada Carigrada do Svištovskog mira (Zadar: Sveučilište u Zadru, 2014), p. 13.

[15] That is, to Sultan Süleyman×.

[16] They are probably inferring to the Ottoman Pashas as governors of the provincial sanjaks, who have incessantly broken the peace treaty through raids into Habsburg territory.

[17] That is, to the Sultan.

[18] Ali Pasha, Ottoman governor of central Hungary×, who had his seat in Buda×. Vrančić× in April of 1553 departed for a diplomatic mission to Ali Pasha of Buda× and on this occasion arranged a Habsburg-Ottoman truce that was supposed to last until November 1553, as the Habsburg officials believed this period would be enough time for the Habsburg delegation to reach Istanbul× and there conclude a more stable and lasting peace agreement. Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Historija turskog /osmanskog/ carstva (Zagreb: Nerkez Smailagić, 1979), sv. 1, 464–465; Petar Matković, „Putovanja po Balkanskom poluotoku XVI. vieka VI. Putovanje Antuna Vrančića× g. 1553.“, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti. Razredi filologičko-historički i filosofičko-juridički, knj. 8 (1884), 4; Lajos Tardy, Beyond the Ottoman Empire. 14th-16th century hungarian diplomacy in the East, Studia uralo-altaica, Szeged, 1978., 162; Alberto Fortis, Put po Dalmaciji, priredio Josip Bratulić, Globus, Zagreb, 1984., 119; Milenko Lončar i Diana Sorić, „Pismom protiv nepoželjnih čitatelja III. Vrančićeva× pomagala za kodiranje“, Colloquia Maruliana, 25 (2016), 18 (17–70); Castilia Manea-Grgin, „Uvod“, u: Antun Vrančić×, Historiografski fragmenti (preveo Šime Demo, uvodnu studiju i bilješke uz prijevod napisala Castilia Manea-Grgin), Gradska knjižnica Juraj Šižgorić, Šibenik×, 2014., 11.

[19] That is, Ferdinand I×.

[20] That is, Sultan Süleyman×.

[21] That is, John Sigismund×.

[22] The events in question concern the period after the Battle of Mohács× in 1526.

[23] This regards the Treaty of Weissenburg× (or Gyulafehérvár×; present-day Alba Iulia× in Romania), which was an agreement between the Transylvanian estates and Habsburg Archduke Ferdinand×, concluded on July 19, 1551, according to which Isabella Jagiellon× delivered to Ferdinand× all her estates and the Hungarian Crown of St. Stephen, whereas John Sigismund× was supposed to marry Ferdinand’s daughter Joanna. For more details, cf. Aleksandra Kolarić, “Juraj Utješenović i njegovo doba“, Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, 16 (1999), 131.

[24] This concerns the Treaty of Nagyvárad× (or Treaty of Grosswardein×; present-day Oradea in Romania) concluded on February 24, 1538, between John Zápolya× and Ferdinand I×, according to which entire Hungary× with Transylvania× was supposed to come under Ferdinand’s rule, whereas the son of John Zápolya× was supposed to marry Ferdinand’s daughter and inherit his grandfather’s estates. For more details, cf. Kolarić, “Juraj Utješenović”, p. 128

[25] That is, John Zápolya×.

[26] That is, Queen Regent Isabella×.

[27] This refers to the mentioned Treaty of Alba Iulia of 1551.

[28] Peter Petrović× (c. 1486–1557), ruler of Timișoara and supporter of Queen Regent Isabella×. It is believed that Petrović× was Zápolya’s cousin, who after Zápolya’s death together with his Ottoman allies fought against King Ferdinand×. According to the Treaty of Alba Iulia, Petrović× was supposed to leave the (present-day Romanian) town of Cluj and leave for the (present-day Slovakian) town of Košice×, together with Isabella× and John Sigismund×. Košice× were granted to them as usufruct until their passage to the Opole Voivodeship in Silesia (present-day Poland×), which was granted to them by Ferdinand I× as compensation for their cession of the Crown of St. Stephen. Adrian Magina, “Peter Petrović and protestantism. Aspects concerning the patronage of the reformation during its early period“, Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије / Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 3 (2015), pp. 139–159.

[29] This is probably an allusion to Petrović’s inclination to Calvinism.

[30] This regards King Louis II× of Hungary× and the Battle of Mohács× on August 29, 1526.

[31] Sultan Süleyman I× took Buda× on August 21, 1541.

[32] Frater Georgius Eremita was the nickname of Juraj (George) Utješenović× (Utišenić, Utišinović, Utješinović; Hungarian: György Martinuzzi), Hungarian and Transylvanian statesman of Croatian descent (Kamičac near Skradin×, present-day Croatia×, 1482 – Alvinc, present-day Vinţu de Jos, Romania, December 17, 1551). In the conflict for the Hungarian throne bezween Ferdinand I Habsburg× and John Zápolya×, Utješenović× sided with the latter. Zápolya× appointed Utješenović× his advisor in 1528, manager of his treasury in 1534, and Bishop of Nagyvárad× (present-day Oradea), and the Transylvanian Diet chose him as Governor and Supreme Judge of Transylvania×. He mediated in the conclusion of the peace treaty between Ferdinand I× and Zápolya× concluded in Nagyvárad× in 1538. After Zápolya’s death, Utješenović× was the guardian of his son John Sigismund× and as the governor ruled over the eastern part of Hungary× and Transylvania×. During the conflict with Ferdinand×, Utješenović× successfully defended Buda× with the help of Ottoman army. Coming in conflict with Zápolya’s widow Isabella×, at the end of 1541 Utješenović× started negotiating with Ferdinand× and in July of 1551 they concluded an agreement in Alba Iulia×. According to this treaty, Utješenović× remained the bishop of Nagyvárad× and the governor of Transylvania×, and following Ferdinand’s request, the Pope appointed him cardinal. Ferdinand× finally had him killed the same year because of his alleged cooperation with the Ottomans.

[33] Kasım Bey (and later Pasha), Ottoman high military official in Ottoman Hungary×; he was on many occasions Sanjakbey of provinces throughout Ottoman Hungary×, and on two occasions Beylerbeyi of the Eyalet of Buda× (1548–1551 and 1557–1558). By building his waqif buildings in the towns of Osijek× (present-day Croatia×) and Pécs× (present-day Hungary×), Kasım Bey strongly affected the urban development of those towns. Nedim Zahirović, “O značaju uporednog korištenja osmanskih i neosmanskih (kršćanskih) izvora u proučavanju područja Vojne krajine“, in: Robert Skenderović and Stanko Andrić (eds.), Franz Vaniček i vojnokrajiška historiografija. Zbornik radova znanstvenog skupa s međunarodnim sudjelovanjem održanog u Slavonskom Brodu 23. i 24. listopada 2014. (Slavonski Brod: Hrvatski institut za povijest – Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje, 2017), p. 98 (95–102). For more information on Kasım Bey, see: Géza Dávid, “An Ottoman Military Career on the Hungarian Borders: Kasım Voivoda, Bey, and Pasha“, in: Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor, Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe. The Military Confines in the Era of Ottoman Conquest (Leiden; Boston; Köln: Brill Publishing, 2000), pp. 265–297.

[34] That is, to Rüstem Pasha×.

[35] Kara Ahmed Pasha×, then Second Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, and later Grand Vizier from October 6, 1553, to September 29, 1555.

[36] Divan (Ottoman Turkish: divan) was the Ottoman council of state, which consisted of a certain number of viziers, i.e. pashas, and other high officials. The number of viziers augmented with time. During Vrančić’s× and Ferenc Zay×’s mission, these were Grand Vizier Rüstem Pasha× and Viziers Kara Ahmed Pasha×, İbrahim Pasha and Haydar Pasha. Abdulah Škaljić, Turcizmi, p. 220.

[37] Ferenc Zay× (Latin: Franciscus Ferenc Zay×; it is presumed he was born in the present-day Croatian town of Vukovar between 1498 and 1505, and he died in 1570), high-ranked military officer and diplomat in the service of Ferdinand I Habsburg×. Zay× distinguished himself as an author of memoirs and as a historian. It is believed Zay× was born in present-day Croatian town of Vukovar×, whereas he gained academic education at the University of Padua. He owned a great library consisting of more than ninety books, mostly about topics related to philosophy and history. Between 1552 and 1560/1567, Zay× was commander of the Habsburg river boatmen on the Danube. For his diplomatic merit, in 1560 Zay× was given the title of Baron and became the Supreme Captain of Upper Hungary×, i.e., the northern part of the Kingdom of Hungary×, now mostly present-day Slovakia. For more details, cf. Attila Barany, “Ferenc Ferenc Zay×”, in: Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History, Vol. VII, eds. David Thomas and John Chesworth (Leiden: Brill, 2015), pp. 207–208.

[38] Evidently an ironic remark.

[39] In the Latin original here appears the Greek word thauma, tis., n – miracle. The authors of the report probably wished to accentuate the fact that the Pasha had uttered it in a foreign, Ottoman Turkish language, and then the interpreter translated it to them into Latin.

[40] Lippa× is present-day town of Lipova in western Romania.

[41] Solymos×, a fortress in the vicinity of Lippa×. It was under the rule of John Zápolya×, afterwards his wife Isabella×, and in 1551 it surrendered to Mehmed Pasha×, Beylerbeyi of Rumelia.

[42] Szolnok× is a town in eastern Hungary×. Since it is situated at the mouth of the river Zagyva as it pours into the river Tisza, it was an important strategic point for which the Habsburgs and the Ottomans fought during the 16th century.

[43] This includes İbrahim and Haydar, and the aforementioned Ahmed Pasha.

[44] The content of the letter is as follows: “Antun Vrančić× and Ferenc Zay× salute the Grand Vizier Rüstem Pasha×. Since there are some other matters that need to be considered in particular, and these concern the conclusion of the peace treaty which was agreed upon, we would like, oh great Pasha, to transcribe them for you in order to be able to discuss them and make a decision before our colleague Giovanni Maria× sets on his journey. We do this mostly so that we could be able to inform His Majesty through His Lordship Giovanni Maria× if there were to be something among the mentioned articles that could not have been allowed to our King. Since there were many matters that were not allowed for him to do, we urge you and beg of you with all our heart that our King is not deprived in this agreement of at least those matters that were allowed to him in the former, and of course, that it is not to the detriment of your Sultan. Our King, on the other hand, expects of you a special intercession because he considers you his greatest friend. Farewell. Given in Istanbul× on August 28, 1553.”

[45] Zechen×, present-day village Tápiószecső, was first mentioned under the name Zechen in 1264. During the Middle Ages Zechen was an important cultural and agrarian center in central Hungary×.

[46] Eger× (Latin: Agria; Ottoman Turkish: Eğri), town in northeast Hungary×, southwest of Miskolc×.

[47] That is, Giovanni Maria Malvezzi’s×.

[48] That is, Rüstem Pasha×.

[49] In the Latin original it stands “Lerna”, which is the name for a lake in the historic Argolis region on the Peloponnese peninsula in Greece. It was home to the Lernaean Hydra, the legendary nine-headed serpent that was killed by Heracles. In the transmitted sense it was used as a pejorative, meaning a filthy place full of perversities. 125–126.

[50] This is Pasha’s allusion to the capture of Székesfehérvár× (Latin: Alba Regia; Croatian: Stolni Biograd; Ottoman Turkish: İstolni Belgrad), town in central Hungary× which, after a long siege, fell under Ottoman rule in 1543.

[51] After, based on the agreement that was signed on July 19, 1551, in Alba Iulia×, Transylvania× recognized the authority of Ferdinand I Habsburg×, Ottoman forces conquered Bečej× (Hungarian: Óbecse; Ottoman Turkish: Beçe), a town in present-day northern Serbia, in November of 1551. For more details, cf. Kolarić, “Juraj Utješenović”, p. 131.

[52] Louis II Jagiellon× (Buda×, July 1, 1506 – Mohács×, August 29, 1526), King of Hungary× and Croatia× 1516–1526; son of Vladislaus II Jagiellon×. The Ottomans heavily defeated Louis’s army at Mohács× in 1526, and Louis II× drowned in an overflowing stream during escape.

[53] Charles V Habsburg×, Holy Roman Emperor (Gent, February 24, 1500 – San Gerónimo de Yuste, Estremadura, September 21, 1558). He was son of the King of Castile, Philip I the Fair× and Joanna the Mad and older brother of Ferdinand I Habsburg×. As King of Spain, Charles V× ruled from 1516 to 1556, and as Holy Roman Emperor from 1519 to 1556. He ruled over Castile with Navarre and Granada, including the Spanish possessions in the Americas; Aragon with Valencia and Catalunya, as well as Naples, Sicily and Sardinia; Holland, Burgundy and Württemberg; and the hereditary estate of the Habsburg dynasty in Austria, which in 1521 he gave to his younger brother Ferdinand× in the form of a nominally feudal dependency.

[54] This regards Henri II×, King of France (1519–1559; ruled 1547–1559), who ascended the French throne after the death of his father Francis I× in 1547.

[55] This refers to the French king.

[56] This regards the four-year period during which Henri II× was in Spanish captivity after the defeat of his father at the Battle of Pavia in 1525.

[57] This probably refers to the Italian commune of Mirandola, which in 1551 transferred to the side of the French during the last Italian War (1551–1559). For more details, cf. Antonio Saltini, L’assedio della Mirandola (Reggio Emilia: Diabasis, 2003).

[58] Henri II× declared war to Charles V× in fall of 1551. On January 15, 1552, Henri II× in Chambord in France signed a treaty with the Elector of Saxony and his Protestant allies, in order to give legitimacy to French conquests. During the spring of 1552, French forces captured Toul, Metz and Verdun, three bishoprics which part of the Holy Roman Empire. Cf. Jean Carpentier and François Lebrun, Povijest Francuske (Zagreb: Barbat, 1999), pp. 125–126.

[59] The conflict between King of France, Francis I× and King of Spain, Charles V Habsburg× began in 1519 when Charles× was chosen in place of Francis× as Holy Roman Emperor with the votes of seven prince-electors, who the Spanish king had bribed with the gold of the powerful German banking family Fugger. In the first phase of the conflict which lasted forty years, Charles× was more successful, and on February 24, 1525, at the Battle of Pavia defeated and imprisoned Francis I×. In order to be released from imprisonment in Charles’s capital Madrid, Francis× had to sign a peace treaty by which he ceded Burgundy to Charles× and renounced the Duchy of Milan. For more details, cf. Carpentier and Lebrun, Povi­jest Francuske, p. 126.

[60] Homo novus (Latin), a person who was the first member of his family to attain high offices; a person who had suddenly become known. Vladimir Anić, Rječnik hrvatskoga jezika (Zagreb: Novi Liber, 1998), p. 206.

[61] Gyula×, border town in the southeast of present-day Hungary×.

[62] Timiş, river in present-day western Romania

[63] Fülek× (Slovakian: Fiľakovo; Ottoman Turkish: Filek), town in the vicinity of Banská Bystrica in present-day central Slovakia.

[64] Salgó×, fortress in the vicinity of the town of Salgótarján×, in present-day northern Hungary×.

[65] Érsekújvár×, present-day Nové Zámky in southern Slovakia, in the vicinity of the Hungarian border.

[66] Senj× Littoral, part of Croatia×’s coastline in the vicinity of the town of Senj×.

[67] Klis×, town in present-day southern Croatia×.

[68] Požega×, town in present-day eastern Croatia×.

[69] Drégely×, fortress on the mountain of Börzsöny in present-day northwest Hungary×.

[70] Veszprém×, town in western Hungary×, located some fifteen kilometers north of the Lake Balaton.

[71] This toponym was not identified.

[72] Geztes×, present-day Várgesztes, town located in northern Hungary×.

[73] Hollókő×, village in present-day northern Hungary×.

[74] Čazma× (Ottoman Turkish: Zaçesne), town in present-day central Croatia×.

[75] Ivanić, present-day Ivanić Grad, town in central Croatia×.






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