The Istanbul letters of Antun Vrančić: Croatian and English translation of selected Latin letters (1553–1568)

Srednja i jugoistočna Europa za života Antuna Vrančića^×

Osmansko Carstvo proširilo se tijekom 15. stoljeća diljem Balkanskog poluotoka i na svojem je osvajačkom putu uništilo Bizantsko Carstvo i srednjovjekovne države Bugarsku, Srbiju i Bosnu. Iduće mete osmanskih osvajanja bili su Ugarsko-Hrvatsko Kraljevstvo i Republika Venecija, koji su pružili mnogo jači otpor nego dotad osvojene zemlje i uspjeli su sačuvati nezavisnost. Tako su rana desetljeća života Antuna Vrančića^× bila obilježena mukotrpnim otporom ugarskih i mletačkih vladara osmanskom prodoru u srednju Europu. Dolazak na vlast osmanskog sultana Sulejmana I. Veličanstvenog (vladao 1520.–1566.) označio je početak još agresivnijih osmanskih provala u ugarski teritorij, čemu se ugarsko državno vodstvo te mlad i neiskusan kralj Ludovik II. Jagelović (vladao 1516.–1526.) nikako nisu uspijevali oduprijeti. Štoviše, ugarsko vodstvo pogrešno je procijenilo sposobnosti novoga sultana Sulejmana i nije prihvatilo ponudu za mir koju im je poslao kad je zasjeo na prijestolje 1520. godine. Sultan Sulejman odlučio je da će usmjeriti osmanska osvajanja prema srednjoj Europi i da će pobjeda nad Ugarskom biti njegov prvi uspjeh na tome putu. Osmanske snage osvojile su 1521. godine Beograd i time su otvorile put svojem nezaustavljivom napredovanju u srce ugarske države. Sultan Sulejman predvodio je 1526. godine osmansku vojsku u prodoru u ugarski teritorij do grada Mohača u današnjoj južnoj Mađarskoj, gdje su u bitci Osmanlije porazili ugarsku vojsku na čelu s Ludovikom II., koji je poginuo u bijegu nakon bitke. Osmanska pobjeda i Ludovikova smrt bez nasljednika prouzročila je rasulo ugarske države, iako Sulejman Veličanstveni nije tada osvojio cijelu Ugarsku, nego je odlučio vladati njome preko novoga ugarsko-hrvatskoga kralja kao svojega vazala. U tim planovima Osmanlijama su zasmetali Habsburgovci, koji su također željeli uspostaviti svoju vlast u Ugarskoj na temelju rodbinskih veza s Jagelovićima. Tako je došlo do habsburško-osmanskoga sukoba, koji je potrajao narednih 350 godina i imao najveći utjecaj na razvoj događaja u jugoistočnoj Europi.[1]

Životopis Antuna Vrančića^×

Za vrijeme takve složene političke situacije živio je i djelovao Antun Vrančić^×. Sudjelovao je u brojnim važnim događajima u povijesti podijeljene Ugarske. Bio je u najužem krugu visokih ugarskih i habsburških državnih dužnosnika kao član ugarskoga kraljevskog dvora Ivana Zapolje, a zatim i dvora habsburških vladara Ferdinanda I. i Maksimilijana II. (austrijskog nadvojvode i cara Svetoga Rimskog Carstva 1564.–1576. te kralja Ugarske i Hrvatske 1563.–1576.).

Antun Vrančić^× (Šibenik, 30. svibnja 1504. – Prešov, 15. lipnja 1573.), hrvatski klerik, humanistički pisac, državnik i diplomat, poznat je i pod latiniziranim imenima Antonius Vrancius, Wrancius, Verantius i Werantius, talijanskim imenom Antonio Veranzio te mađarskim Verancsics Antal. Vrančić^× se rodio u Šibeniku, koji je u to vrijeme bio dijelom Mletačke Republike, u uglednoj i bogatoj plemićkoj obitelji. Vrančićev^× rođak Petar Berislavić (o. 1450.–1520.), koji je bio biskup ugarskoga grada Veszpréma i hrvatski ban od 1513. do 1520. godine, brinuo se za Antunov odgoj do svoje smrti u osmanskoj zasjedi nakon bitke kod [29] Korenice u svibnju 1520. godine. Poslije Berislavićeve smrti Vrančićev^× ujak, biskup Ivan Statilić, nastavio se brinuti za opsežno i kvalitetno humanističko obrazovanje mladog Antuna, koji se opredijelio za svećeničku službu. Vrančić^× se odužio svojem rođaku Petru Berislaviću napisavši njegov životopis na latinskom jeziku pod naslovom Vita Petri Berislavi (Život Petra Berislavića).[3]

Vrančić^× je studirao u Padovi, Beču i Krakovu u godinama neposredno nakon osmanske pobjede na Mohačkom polju 1526. godine. Budući da mu je ujak Ivan Statilić pristao uz Ivana Zapolju u sukobu oko ugarskog prijestolja, i Vrančić^× je s njime prešao u službu Ivana Zapolje te postao njegovim kraljevskim tajnikom 1530. godine.[4]

Već u svojim ranim dvadesetim godinama Vrančić^× je bio postavljen na nekoliko visokih crkvenih položaja. Pored toga, Ivan Zapolja i njegovi visoki državni i vjerski dužnosnici slali su mladog Vrančića^× već od 1527. godine u različite diplomatske misije. Tako su Vrančića^× u dvadeset i petoj godini života poslali 1530. godine u diplomatsku misiju u Krakov k poljskom kralju. U daljnjoj je karijeri Vrančić^× i po nekoliko puta išao u misiju k nekima od najmoćnijih vladara tadašnje Europe: u Veneciju k mletačkom duždu, više puta u Sarajevo u Bosni pod osmanskom vlašću, 1531. godine u Rim u Papinskoj Državi, a osim toga i u Pariz, London, Beč, Prag i opet u Krakov. Na tim je misijama Vrančić^× pokazao veliku nadarenost za diplomaciju i politiku.[5]

Vrančićevo^× diplomatsko poslanstvo u Francusku i Englesku

Jedna od Vrančićevih^× najzahtjevnijih diplomatskih misija bila je posjet Francuskoj i Engleskoj 1546. godine, odnosno posjet Parizu i Londonu, gdje su u to vrijeme vladali francuski kralj Franjo I. (François; vladao 1515.–1547.) i engleski kralj Henrik VIII. (Henry VIII, vladao 1509.–1547.).[7]Vrančić^× je putovao kao diplomat u službi regentice Izabele kako bi sklopio sporazum usmjeren protiv Habsburgovaca i Ferdinanda I. kao zajedničkih neprijatelja Francuske i Transilvanije. O samim posjetima ne postoji mnogo podataka, i o sadržaju misije jedino se zna zahvaljujući Vrančićevoj^× korespondenciji. Tako je Vrančić^× u pismu iz Francuske pisao o pregovorima s Franjom I. i iznio uvjerenje da će doći do sporazuma. Možemo samo nagađati o kakvom je točno sporazumu [32] riječ, jer Vrančić^× u pismu konspirativnog tona nije naveo o čemu se točno pregovaralo. Moguće je da je Vrančić^× išao u Pariz kako bi ishodio pristanak Franje I. na neki oblik sporazuma između Transilvanije i Habsburgovaca, a na koji su Franjo I. i stariji brat Ferdinanda I. i car Svetoga Rimskog Carstva Karlo V. (vladao 1519.–1556.) također trebali pristati, te potvrditi taj sporazum kao posrednici. Uostalom, njih su dvojica bili najmoćniji vladari tadašnje Europe. Nije poznato je li Vrančićeva^× misija u Parizu bila uspješna i što se nakon toga odvijalo na engleskom dvoru. Može se zaključiti da Vrančić^× nije uspio dogovoriti ništa jer daljnji razvoj političkih događaja u Europi nikako nije išao u korist Transilvanije: Karlo V. je na vojnom i diplomatskom polju sve više iskazivao nadmoć nad Franjom I. i nad svim zemljama koje su se uzdale u francusku pomoć, uključujući i Transilvaniju. Unatoč Vrančićevu^× zalaganju, položaj transilvanske regentice i njezine države bio je vrlo nepovoljan.[8]

Vrančićev^× prelazak u Habsburšku službu

Vrančić^× je bio nezadovoljan u službi regentice Izabele jer nije mogao napredovati zbog sukoba s Jurjem Utješenovićem (poznat i kao Utješinović ili Utišenić, odnosno György Martinuzzi; živio 1482.–1551.), ugarskim klerikom hrvatskog podrijetla koji se s regenticom Izabelom dugo borio za vlast u Transilvaniji. Zato je Vrančić^× 1549. godine odlučio prijeći iz transilvanske službe na habsburšku stranu, odnosno u službu drugoga pretendenta na ugarsko prijestolje, Ferdinanda I. U habsburškoj je službi ubrzo postao Ferdinandovim tajnikom i bio je imenovan na razne visoke crkvene dužnosti.[9]

S vremenom je Vrančić^× posve zadobio povjerenje Ferdinanda I., pa je počeo dobivati sve zahtjevnije diplomatske zadatke od svojega novoga gospodara. Tako je u travnju 1553. godine išao u diplomatsku misiju k osmanskom upravitelju središnje Ugarske, Ali-paši, kojem je sjedište bilo u Budimu. Vrančić^× je tom prilikom u Budimu dogovorio habsburško-osmansko primirje do studenoga 1553. godine. Naime, vjerojatno se radilo o tome da je habsburško vodstvo smatralo da će šest mjeseci biti dovoljno da habsburško poslanstvo ode u Istanbul i ondje dogovori stabilniji i dugotrajniji mirovni sporazum s Osmanskim Carstvom. Na kraju se ispostavilo da su za ispunjenje tako zahtjevnog zadatka habsburški poslanici morali provesti četiri godine u Istanbulu. Nedugo prije polaska na tu misiju, 6. lipnja iste godine Ferdinand je Vrančića^× imenovao biskupom ugarskoga grada Pečuha.[10]

Vrančićevo^× kodiranje diplomatskih poruka i privatnih pisama

Vrančić^× se tijekom svojih diplomatskih zadataka u službi Transilvanije i Habsburgovaca služio kodiranjem kako bi onemogućio da njegove poruke budu čitljive stranim agentima koji bi presjekli njegovu pisanu komunikaciju s nadređenima. Pored toga, Vrančić^× je kodirao i pisma koja je slao članovima obitelji.[25] I prilikom poslanstva u Istanbul Vrančić^× je sa sobom ponio priručnike za kodiranje poruka. Koristio je nekoliko različitih kodnih sustava, ovisno o tome komu je slao pojedino pismo. Šifre su bile raznovrsne: od posebnih šifri za pojedino slovo abecede, pa do posebnih šifri za različite riječi, ovdje uključujući titule, osobna i geografska imena, diplomatske pojmove itd. Smisao posebnoga kodiranja pojedinih imena i pojmova ležao je u tome da se poruke moglo još teže dešifrirati ako su pojedine ključne i najčešće korištene riječi imale posebne kodne oznake; ako bi neželjeni čitatelj razotkrio šifru abecede, i dalje ne bi znao protumačiti značenje ključnih riječi. Za neke kodne sustave poznato je da ih je Vrančić^× koristio tijekom prvoga poslanstva u Istanbulu, jer su Vrančić^× i Zay u Istanbulu 1554. i 1555. godine primili barem trinaest kodiranih pisma koja im je poslao Ferdinand I., a poslanici su također šifrirali barem neka od pisama koja su slali habsburškom vladaru u Beč. Priroda diplomatskoga posla zahtijevala je da se kodni sustavi mijenjaju s vremena na vrijeme i da se tako umanji mogućnost da neprijatelj dešifrira predugo korišteni sustav. Tako su i habsburški poslanici vjerojatno dobili iz Beča novi sustav šifriranja koji je njihov novi kolega Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq donio u Istanbul nakon svojeg imenovanja za stalnog poslanika 1554. godine. Sačuvana korespondencija habsburških poslanika ukazuje na to da se i taj novi kodni sustav koristilo za razmjenu pisama s habsburškim vodstvom u Beču. Izgleda da su Vrančić^× i Zay za cijelo vrijeme svojega boravka u Istanbulu pisali pisma bez šifriranja, da su ih zatim pomoćnici šifrirali i slali u Beč, [45] gdje su drugi pomoćnici dešifrirali pisma za Ferdinanda I. Verzije tih pisama koja su ostala sačuvana do danas jesu dešifrirane verzije Vrančićevih^× pisama koje je objavila Mađarska akademija znanosti i koje su korištene u ovom izdanju.[26]

Pronalazak spomenika Rimskom Caru Augustu u Ankari

Habsburško poslanstvo zaputilo se 9. ožujka 1555. godine iz Istanbula u smjeru Male Azije za Amasiju kako bi se ondje susreli sa sultanom Sulejmanom. Njihovo putovanje pokazalo se vrlo važnim s obzirom na svoja postignuća na kulturnom polju više nego na diplomatskom, jer su se habsburški diplomati proslavili važnim arheološkim otkrićem u proljeće 1555. godine u Ankari (antička Ancyra), u središnjoj Anatoliji. Poslanici su 28. ožujka 1555. godine stigli u Ankaru i ondje su idućega dana u ruševinama, za koje se ispostavilo da su nekada bile hram rimskoga cara Oktavijana Augusta (vladao 27. pr. Kr. – 14. n. Kr.), pronašli natpis u mramoru. Kada su proučili natpis, shvatili su da se radilo o kopiji grobnoga natpisa koji se nalazio u sklopu Augustova mauzoleja u Rimu. Taj je natpis danas poznat pod nazivom Res gestae divi Augusti (Djela božanskog Augusta) ili Monumentum [48] Ancyranum (Ankarski spomenik). Radi se o grčkom i latinskom tekstu u kamenu, u kojemu se opisuje Augustov život i u kojem su popisana njegova djela i pothvati tijekom vladavine. Svrha toga natpisa bila je propagandna, odnosno pomoću njega se rimskoj javnosti predstavljalo idealiziranu sliku Augustove vladavine. Original grobnoga natpisa iz Augustova mauzoleja u Rimu nije sačuvan, ali su s vremenom pronađene njegove kopije koje su bile postavljene diljem tadašnjega Rimskog Carstva. U rimskoj Ankari spomenik je bio postavljen u sklopu hrama posvećenog Rimu i caru Augustu, i koji se nalazi u današnjoj ankarskoj četvrti Ulus.[28]

Još uvijek se ne može točno ustvrditi tko je točno pronašao taj artefakt. Po svemu sudeći, tomu su događaju prisustvovali Busbecq, Vrančić^× i drugi članovi delegacije, te su zajedno pročitali, preveli i identificirali rimski natpis kao popis Augustovih djela. Busbecq je, međutim, bio prva osoba koja je objavila dio natpisa u svojim djelima, pa su zasluge za otkriće gotovo potpuno pripale njemu samome, iako trebaju pripadati svim članovima delegacije.[29] Uostalom, Vrančić^× je imao mnogo šire klasično znanje i mnogo veće iskustvo iz arheologije nego Busbecq ili bilo koji drugi član delegacije. Dio rimskoga natpisa Busbecq je prvi put objavio 1581. godine u svojem djelu Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum (Putovanja u Konstantinopol i Amasiju), koje je 1589. godine ponovo objavljeno, ovaj put pod naslovom Legationis Turcicae epistolae quatuor (Četiri pisma iz turskog poslanstva), koje je poznatije pod proslavljenim skraćenim nazivom Turcicae epistolae (Turska pisma).[30] U svojim je zapisima Busbecq potvrdio pretpostavku da bi zasluga za pronalazak natpisa cara Augusta trebala pripadati svim članovima delegacije, jer je pronalazak natpisa opisao u množini: „Tu smo [49] vidjeli prekrasan natpis koji je sadržavao kopiju ploča na kojima je August dao sažetak svojih postignuća. Svojim ljudima dali smo da kopiraju koliko god je bilo čitljivo.“[31] Otkriće natpisa cara Augusta predstavlja jedno od najvećih arheoloških otkrića ranoga novog vijeka.[32]

Boravak Habsburškoga poslanstva u Amasiji

Habsburški diplomati stigli su u Amasiju nakon mjesec dana putovanja, 7. travnja 1555. godine, i ondje su proboravili četiri tjedna. Sultan ih je vrlo brzo po dolasku primio i saslušao. Poslanici su mu prenijeli Ferdinandove tvrdnje o zakonitosti habsburškog posjedovanja Transilvanije, te obećali osmanskom sultanu 80 000 zlatnika u zamjenu za osmansku potvrdu habsburške vlasti nad tom pokrajinom. Osim toga, obećali su velik novac visokim osmanskim dužnosnicima: sultanovu konjušaru 20 000 zlatnika, a vezirima po 14 000, 10 000 i 4000 zlatnika. Njihova poruka da Ferdinand traži da mu se prizna vlast nad Transilvanijom nije se svidjela Sulejmanu, pa je njihov razgovor završio brzo i bez rezultata. Poslanici su pokušali utjecati na ugledne osmanske službenike obećavajući im novac u zamjenu za nagovor sultana da prihvati habsburški zahtjev, ali svi su im pokušaji bili uzaludni. Prijam habsburških poslanika pred sultanom bio je organiziran tako da su u isto vrijeme habsburški i safavidski poslanici predali svoje darove sultanu. Oba poslanstva bila su u vrlo podređenom položaju pred osmanskim sultanom jer su došla tražiti mir. Jedino je safavidsko poslanstvo u tome uspjelo: 10. svibnja safavidski diplomati postigli su sporazum o miru sa sultanom, zbog čega su habsburški diplomati bili razočarani. Naime, mir na istočnim granicama Osmanskoga Carstva značio je da se sultan Sulejman mogao posvetiti ratnim akcijama u Ugarskoj. Nakon sklapanja osmansko-safavidskog mira habsburški su poslanici uspjeli postići jedino to da je sultan prihvatio habsburški danak za Transilvaniju i pristao na primirje na rok od šest mjeseci. Sultan Sulejman inzistirao je na tome da Ferdinand pristane na to da se Ivan Žigmund vrati na vlast u Transilvaniji. Sultan je Busbecqu dao pismo za Ferdinanda, koje je Busbecq trebao odnijeti u Beč i zatim se vratiti s novim uputama za pregovore. Habsburško poslanstvo se 2. lipnja zaputilo natrag u Istanbul, odakle je Busbecq otputovao u Beč kako bi Ferdinanda I. osobno izvijestio o osmanskim stavovima i odnio mu Sulejmanovo pismo. Dogovoreno primirje bilo je teško održati zbog neprestanih pograničnih sukoba manjeg intenziteta. Vrančić^× i Zay ostali su u Istanbulu i ondje nisu imali važnih obaveza.[33]

Nediplomatske aktivnosti habsburških poslanika u Istanbulu

Dugotrajan boravak habsburškog mirovnog poslanstva u Istanbulu ukazuje na činjenicu da se u 16. stoljeću pregovaralo mnogo sporije nego u današnje vrijeme. Habsburški diplomati nisu sve raspoloživo vrijeme svojega boravka u Istanbulu trošili jedino na diplomatske razgovore, nego su u „praznom hodu“ između prijmova kod sultana i vezira uspijevali odvojiti velik dio svojega vremena za privatne interese. Za takve aktivnosti imali su vremena i zbog toga što je u ranome novom vijeku putovanje i slanje izvještaja trajalo osjetno duže nego u današnje vrijeme. Zato su poslanici, kako je ranije spomenuto, imali mnogo slobodnog vremena dok su čekali da novi habsburški stalni poslanik Busbecq doputuje u Istanbul. U tim dugačkim pauzama Zay je, s jedne strane, odvajao vrijeme za odlazak u lov i ribolov s osmanskim pašama s kojima se pokušavao na taj način sprijateljiti i steći njihovu naklonost. S druge strane, Vrančić^× je svoje slobodno vrijeme koristio za pisanje mnogobrojnih pisama svojim prijateljima i članovima obitelji u Mađarskoj, Hrvatskoj i Dalmaciji, te za razna etnološka, zoološka, botanička, arhitektonska i druga istraživanja Istanbula. Duga i bogata povijest osmanske prijestolnice pružala mu je široku i raznovrsnu podlogu za njegove znanstvene interese. Treba imati na umu da su onovremeni europski intelektualci znali vrlo malo o stvarnosti Osmanskoga Carstva, ali da su pokazivali veliku želju za umanjivanjem svojega neznanja – Vrančić^× je bio upravo takva osoba.[34]

Vrančić^× je i ranije tijekom svojega života, kao pravi predstavnik humanizma, pokazivao interes za antičku povijest i arheološka istraživanja. Tako je tijekom putovanja u Istanbul i prilikom prolaska kroz pojedine balkanske gradove s antičkom poviješću u svojem putopisu citirao antičke autore. U gradu Nišu u osmanskoj Srbiji prepisao je nekoliko antičkih natpisa na latinskom jeziku, a u Istanbulu i okolici tragao je za antičkim ruševinama i drugim arheološkim ostacima, prepisivao antičke natpise i skupljao grčki i rimski kovani novac. Osim toga, svojim je prijateljima slao vrijedne knjige koje je nalazio u Istanbulu i anatolskim gradovima.[35]

Takvo teško stanje prelomili su događaji na terenu. Naredne, 1556. godine, došlo je do značajnih političkih promjena u Transilvaniji, oko čije su se sudbine i vodili pregovori u Istanbulu. Sultan Sulejman je zaprijetio da će vojnom silom uspostaviti svoju vlast u Transilvaniji, pa je pod njegovim utjecajem transilvansko plemstvo pozvalo bivšu regenticu Izabelu i Ivana Žigmunda da se vrate iz Poljske i da Izabela ponovo preuzme regentsku čast. Tako je Izabela nastavila vladati u ime svojega sina, a Ferdinand I. morao je odustati od daljnjih namjera da uspostavi svoju vlast nad Transilvanijom, gdje nikako nije uspijevao uspostaviti potpunu kontrolu. Ferdinandov pristanak da se povuče iz Transilvanije uvelike je olakšao položaj članova istanbulske misije. Još je, međutim, trebalo dogovoriti koje će pogranične utvrde pripasti habsburškoj strani, a koje osmanskoj, što nije bio lak posao. Za to je vrijeme u središnjoj Ugarskoj od 11. lipnja do 21. srpnja 1556. godine budimski zapo- [54] vjednik Ali-paša opsjedao ugarsku utvrdu Siget (mađarski: Szigetvár) u današnjoj južnoj Mađarskoj. Ali-paša je vjerojatno dobio upute iz Istanbula da na taj način pritišće Habsburgovce. Osmanski vojskovođa prekinuo je opsadu Sigeta kako bi se sukobio s habsburškim snagama koje su napadale okolne osmanske utvrde, i tako je Siget oslobođen osmanske opsade. Bilo je, međutim, jasno da će osmanske snage i narednih godina napadati Siget kao ključnu utvrdu južne Ugarske.[38]

Habsburški poslanici u Istanbulu javili su Ferdinandu 8. siječnja 1557. godine da su njihovi pregovori uzaludni i da osmanska strana nikako ne želi pristati na mir. Habsburški diplomati imali su kontradiktorne informacije o stanju na osmansko-safavidskoj granici, gdje je navodno moglo doći do novog rata. Iz drugih su izvora, međutim, čuli da Osmanlije nisu imali nikakvih problema sa svojim susjedima. Vjerojatno se tu radilo o osmanskoj protuobavještajnoj djelatnosti, tako da Vrančić^× i njegovi kolege nisu znali što je istina, a što ne. I habsburški su se poslanici bavili protuobavještajnim aktivnostima, jer su saznali da su se na Ferdinandovu dvoru nalazili osmanski doušnici. Doznali su i pojedine informacije o tim doušnicima: jedan je imao crnu bradu i bio je zlatar, a drugi se zvao Francisco, bavio se glazbom i imao je dugu crvenu bradu. Obavijestili su Ferdinanda i predložili mu da provede istragu, jer nisu bili sigurni u točnost tih tvrdnji. Čuli su i brojne druge glasine za koje nisu znali jesu li istinite ili nisu.[39]

U lipnju 1557. godine osmanski su veziri pozvali habsburške poslanike i izjavili da osmanska strana kao uvjet za potpisivanje mira želi ugarske utvrde Eger, Palotu i Siget, jer su to bila uporišta iz kojih je prijetila najveća opasnost za osmanski dio Ugarske. Habsburško poslanstvo nije moglo pristati na takve ustupke, pa su nakon daljnjih pregovora osmanski veziri izjavili da će pristati i ako im se preda jedino Siget, koji je bio najvažnija utvrda među ranije zatra- [55] ženima. Odlučeno je da Vrančić^× i Zay u kolovozu iste godine otputuju natrag u Beč i habsburškom vladaru izlože osmanske zahtjeve. Na kraju se ispostavilo da se Vrančić^× i Zay nisu morali vratiti u Istanbul. Habsburški stalni poslanik Busbecq ostao je u Istanbulu i on je bio osoba koja je nakon brojnih godina provedenih u Istanbulu imala tu čast da zaključi konačni sporazum, koji je potpisan tek 1. lipnja 1562. godine. Mir je tada potpisan na rok od osam godina i dogovoreno je da će Ferdinand nastaviti plaćati godišnji danak od 30 000 zlatnika. Pored toga, Ferdinand je morao službeno odustati od cijele Transilvanije. Habsburgovci nisu željeli predati Siget, i on je ostao u habsburškim rukama sve do 1566. godine, kada su ga osmanske snage ipak uspjele osvojiti. Sve u svemu, Vrančićeva^× i Zayeva misija ostala je bez rezultata, iako su proveli pune četiri godine u Istanbulu. U Beču su nakon povratka detaljno izvijestili Ferdinanda o svojim pregovorima. Sveukupni dojam bio je da su poslanici odradili dobar posao i da su zaštitili hab­sburške interese, iako nisu uspjeli ishoditi potpisivanje mirovnog ugovora. Među Vrančićevim^× suvremenicima u Europi onoga vremena smatralo se da je njegova zahtjevna istanbulska misija bila uspješna i hvalevrijedna. Ferdinand I. nagradio je Vrančića^× u studenome 1557. godine imenovanjem za biskupa Egera, grada u sjevernoj Ugarskoj. Tim je imenovanjem Vrančić^× postao druga najvažnija osoba u hijerarhiji Katoličke crkve u Ugarskoj toga vremena.[40]

Narednih godina Vrančić^× je i dalje bio osoba od povjerenja Ferdinanda I. Kada je taj habsburški vladar umro 1564. godine i kada ga je naslijedio sin Maksimilijan II., Vrančić^× je ostao u krugu uglednika na koje se novi vladar mogao najviše osloniti. Pored toga, Vrančić^× je pratio Maksimilijana na brojnim putovanjima diljem habsburških zemalja.[41]

Vrančićeva^× druga istanbulska misija (1567.–1568.)

Sultan Sulejman I. Veličanstveni krenuo je 1566. godine, u već poodmakloj dobi od 71 godine i lošega zdravlja, na svoj posljednji vojni pohod u smjeru srednje Europe i vjerojatno Beča kao konačnog cilja, ali je pohod preuranjeno završio njegovom smrću tijekom opsade Sigeta u rujnu iste godine. Tijekom jednomjesečne opsade poginuo je zapovjednik Sigeta, hrvatski i mađarski vojskovođa Nikola IV. Šubić Zrinski (mađarski: Zrínyi Miklós, 1620.–1664.), i gotovo svi sigetski branitelji: umjesto da prihvate osmanske ponude za predaju, provalili su iz zapaljene tvrđave u posljednjem jurišu. Sulejmana I naslijedio je njegov sin Selim II. (vladao 1566.–1574.). Habsburško državno vodstvo željelo je s novim sultanom ishoditi mir na svojim istočnim i južnim granicama. Tijekom prijašnjih godina habsburške pogranične snage neprestano su se sukobljavale ne [57] samo s osmanskim snagama, nego i s transilvanskim vojnicima, zbog čega su Habsburgovci smatrali da je trebalo dogovoriti točnu granicu između sve tri države i prekinuti dugo razdoblje nesigurnosti u pograničnim krajevima. Iako je Maksimilijan II. 1565. godine sklopio mirovni sporazum s transilvanskim vladarom Ivanom Žigmundom, taj sporazum nikad nije proveden u djelo. Zato se Maksimilijan II. 1567. godine pismom obratio novom osmanskom sultanu izrazivši želju za potpisivanjem mira kojim bi se razriješila otvorena pitanja između sve tri države. Selim II. odgovorio je habsburškom vladaru pismom u svibnju 1567. godine i pristao je da habsburško poslanstvo s pratnjom dođe u Istanbul. Poslanstvo je trebalo sultanu donijeti ustaljeni godišnji danak od 30 000 zlatnika, dvadeset pozlaćenih vrčeva i tri sata, zatim 4000 zlatnika, četiri srebrna vrča i sat kao poklon velikom veziru, 2000 zlatnika, dva pozlaćena vrča i sat drugom veziru, 2000 zlatnika i dva srebrna vrča trećem veziru, te 1000 zlatnika svakom od ostalih vezira. Satovi su bili jedan od najomiljenijih poklona među visokim osmanskim dužnosnicima. Pored toga, dva osmanska prevoditelja trebala su dobiti 500 i 300 zlatnika. Habsburški je vladar odabrao [58] Vrančića^× za vođu novoga poslanstva u Istanbul, što nimalo ne čudi jer je Vrančić^× imao golemo diplomatsko iskustvo i izvrsno je poznavao osmansku stranu. Jedina otegotna okolnost odabira Vrančića^× za vođu te misije bila je ta što je tada imao 63 godine, zbog čega se mnogo umarao tijekom dugog putovanja u osmansku prijestolnicu. S Vrančićem^× je u misiju išao Christoph Teuffenbach, štajerski plemić i savjetnik cara Maksimilijana II., te još nekoliko diplomata. Poslanstvo je 1. srpnja 1567. godine s pratnjom od 86 osoba krenulo na put iz Požuna, odnosno današnje Bratislave.[42]

Vrančić^× nije pisao putopis tijekom ovoga putovanja, ali jest jedan od članova misije: talijanski pisac [59] Marco Antonio Pigafetta, koji je sastavio putopis pod naslovom Itinerario di Marc’Antonio Pigafetta, gentil’huomo vicentino (Putopis Marca Antonija Pigafette, gospodina iz Vicenze).[43] Kao i prilikom prvog putovanja, lađama su plovili niz Dunav i zastali su u Budimu da posjete budimskoga pašu. Ondje su dobili osmansku pratnju koja se trebala brinuti o njihovoj sigurnosti na putu. Iz Budima su 10. srpnja nastavili putovanje i doplovili Dunavom do Beograda. Zatim su nastavili kopnenim putem kroz osmansku Srbiju i Bugarsku prema Istanbulu. Sve troškove putovanja pokrio je osmanski sultan.[44]

U Istanbul su stigli 22. kolovoza, dakle trebalo im je dvanaest dana više za put od Budima do Istanbula nego što im je trebalo tijekom prvoga poslanstva. Vjerojatno je Vrančićeva^× starost utjecala na brzinu putovanja, jer je Pigafetta zapisao da su na nekim postajama na putu morali ostati duže da bi se Vrančić^× mogao odmoriti. Pred Istanbulom ih je dočekao veliki osmanski odred i odveo ih do kuće u kojoj je živio flamanski diplomat Albert de Wijs (ili Wyss), stalni habsburški poslanik u Istanbulu. Wijs je doživio istu sudbinu kao i poslanik Malvezzi: budući da nije mogao u Maksimilijanovo ime predati osmanskom sultanu ugarske utvrde Siget i Gyulu, te je čak morao zatražiti neke druge osmanske utvrde, sultan ga je dao zatvoriti. Pustili su ga iz zatvora tek kada je u grad stiglo habsburško poslanstvo. Habsburški diplomati dobili su upute da ishode mirovni sporazum prema kojem bi se zadržale granice i stanje na terenu kakvo je bilo na snazi prije ratnih sukoba u posljednje dvije godine. Habsburški vladar bio je uvjeren da će im izdašni pokloni koje su poslanici nosili sa sobom pomoći u ispunjavanju toga zadatka. Osim što su morali predati ranije spomenuti novac, dragocjene vrčeve i satove, poslanici su dobili uputu da obećaju velikom veziru Mehmed-paši Sokoloviću (živio 1506.–1579.; veliki vezir 1565.–1579.) da će dobivati po 2000 zlatnika svake godine ako uspije nagovoriti sultana da pristane na mirovni sporazum. Vrančić^× je za vrijeme misije, kao i tijekom ranijeg boravka u Istanbulu, slao habsburškom vladaru detaljne i lucidne izvještaje o [60] društveno-političkom stanju u Osmanskom Carstvu i ponajviše o osmanskim odnosima sa Safavidskim Carstvom, vječnim osmanskim neprijateljem na istočnoj granici Carstva. Pisma su slali preko mletačkih putnika koji su brodovima iz Istanbula putovali u Veneciju. Slično kao što se dogodilo tijekom prvoga putovanja, poslanici nisu mogli biti primljeni u audijenciju kod sultana jer se Selim II. tada nalazio u Edirneu, gdje se nalazio stari osmanski dvor u kojem je novi sultan volio boraviti više nego u Istanbulu. Selim II. vratio se iz lova u Edirneu 15. rujna, a dotle su poslanici vodili razgovore s velikim vezirom Mehmed-pašom, koji se više zanimao za habsburške darove nego za odredbe novog mirovnog ugovora.[45]

Selim II. primio je habsburško poslanstvo 21. rujna 1567. godine i pristao je pregovarati o novome miru. Pregovori su potrajali pet mjeseci i u tom razdoblju su habsburški pregovarači četrnaest puta [61] razgovarali s velikim vezirom. Jedna od najspornijih tema bila je osmanski zahtjev da habsburška vojska razruši utvrde u ugarskim gradovima Tati, Veszprému i Tokaju, za što je u zamjenu habsburški vladar zahtijevao da Osmanlije sruše utvrde u Babócsi i Berencseu. Druga sporna tema bila je korekcija granične linije između Transilvanije i habsburškog dijela Ugarske, te razdioba pograničnih sela koja su objema stranama plaćala poreze. Iako je i habsburškoj i osmanskoj strani odgovaralo da se dogovori mir, pregovori su tekli sporo, dijelom i zbog toga što je sultan Selim II. krajem listopada ponovo otputovao u Edirne i prepustio velikom veziru da pregovara u njegovo ime. Zbog toga je Vrančić^× imao vremena da se ponovo posveti svojim interesima u osmanskoj prijestolnici, pa je među ostalim išao u obilazak cijeloga Bosporskog tjesnaca. Pokazalo se da je Mehmed-paša bio izvrstan pregovarač, što je i sam Vrančić^× istaknuo u svojim pismima. Za razliku od Rustem-paše, Mehmed-paša nije želio razgovarati s Vrančićem^× na hrvatskom, odnosno srpsko-hrvatskom jeziku, iako je Sokolović mogao razumjeti njihov zajednički jezik jer je vjerojatno bio rodom iz okolice grada Ruda u današnjoj jugoistočnoj Bosni.[46]

Habsburško poslanstvo moralo se zaputiti u Edirne 5. siječnja 1568. godine, jer se sultan nije namjeravao vratiti u prijestolnicu prije proljeća. Ondje se dogodila slična situacija kao za vrijeme habsburškog dolaska u Amasiju: osmanski je sultan čekao da ga posjeti safavidski poslanik, s kojim je sklopio mir 16. veljače, a habsburški poslanici za to su vrijeme morali čekati. Već idućeg dana pozvao ih je veliki vezir i mir je sklopljen istoga dana. Misija je u konačnici potrajala dvostruko kraće od prvoga poslanstva, i tako je 17. veljače 1568. godine u Edirneu dogovoren mirovni sporazum između cara Maksimilijana II. i sultana Selima II. Vrančiću^× je bilo suđeno da dogovara mir između dva oca i njihova dva sina. Dogovoren je mir na osam godina i njime su potvrđena prijašnja osmanska osvajanja u Ugarskoj, odnosno obje su strane pristale da ne dođe ni do kakvih teritorijalnih promjena. Pitanje korekcije granice s Transilvanijom ostalo je neriješeno, kao i pitanje pograničnih sela, i te je sporove trebala riješiti buduće zajedničko po- [62] vjerenstvo. Habsburški je vladar nastavio plaćati godišnji „poklon“, odnosno danak od 30 000 zlatnika. Dogovor je službeno potpisan 9. ožujka. Spletom kasnijih vanjskopolitičkih okolnosti taj je mir ostao na snazi narednih četvrt stoljeća, iako su se u međuvremenu nastavili sukobi na habsburško-osmanskoj granici, osvajanja pograničnih utvrda i vojni prodori manjeg intenziteta. Tako je održavana ravnoteža snaga između dvaju carstava. Zanimljiv detalj vezan s drugim Vrančićevim^× boravkom u Istanbulu jest da su habsburški poslanici dobili naredbu da u ime cara Maksimilijana II. zatraže od Osmanlija da habsburškome vladaru poklone žirafu. Na tu molbu osmanski veliki vezir ipak nije pristao, opravdavajući se da su imali samo jednu žirafu i da im je služila za navikavanje vojnih konja na žirafe.[47]

Central and Southeast Europe in Antun Vrančić’s^× lifetime

In the course of the fifteenth century the Ottoman Empire spread throughout the Balkan Peninsula, and on its conquering path destroyed the Byzantine Empire and the medieval states of Bulgaria, Serbia and Bosnia. The ensuing targets of the Ottoman conquest were the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom and the Republic of Venice, which, however, provided a much stronger resistance than the countries hitherto conquered, thus managing to preserve their independence. This is why the early decades of Antun Vrančić’^×s life were characterized by a painstaking resistance of Hungarian and Venetian rulers to Ottoman penetration into Central Europe. The coming to power of Ottoman Sultan Süleyman I the Magnificent^× (1494–1566; ruled 1520–1566) marked the beginning of an even more aggressive Ottoman incursion into Hungarian territory, which the Hungarian state leadership and its young and inexperienced King Louis II Jagiellon^× (1506–1526; ruled 1516–1526) were completely unable to resist. Additionally, the Hungarian leadership misjudged the strength of the new Sultan Süleyman^× and rejected his peace offer, sent to them on the occasion of his ascent to the throne in 1520. Sultan Süleyman^× decided to direct Ottoman conquests toward Central Europe, and to make the victory over Hungary his first success on this path. Ottoman forces took Belgrade^× in 1521, thus paving the way for their unstoppable advancement into the heart of the Hungarian state. Sultan Süleyman^× led the Ottoman army in 1526 as they penetrated into Hungarian territory to the town of Mohács^×, in present-day southern Hungary, where the Ottomans defeated the Hungarian army led by Louis II^×, who died fleeing the field after the battle. Even though Süleyman the Magnificent^× did not conquer the whole of Hungary on the occasion, his victory and King Louis’s^× death without an heir caused the breakdown of the Hungarian state, while Süleyman^× decided to rule Hungary through a new Hungarian-Croatian king who became his vassal. These Ottoman plans were hindered by the Habsburgs, who also wished to set their rule in Hungary, based on their family ties with the Jagiellonian dynasty. This was the beginning of the Habsburg–Ottoman conflict, which was to last for the subsequent four centuries and was to have a profound effect on the developments in Southeast Europe.[1]

Biography of Antun Vrančić^×

Antun Vrančić^× lived and worked in such a complicated political context. He participated in numerous important events in the history of the divided Hungary. Initially as a member of the royal Hungarian court of John Zápolya^×, and later as a member of the courts of Habsburg rulers Ferdinand I^× and Maximilian II^× (Austrian Archduke and Holy Roman Emperor 1564–1576, and King of Hungary and Croatia 1563–1576) Antun Vrančić^× belonged to the inner circle of the Hungarian and Habsburg senior state officials.

Antun Vrančić^× (Šibenik^×, Croatia, May 30, 1504–Prešov^×, Slovakia, June 15, 1573), Croatian cleric, humanist writer, statesman and diplomat is known under his Latinized names as Antonius Vrancius, Wrancius, Verantius and Werantius, in Italian as Antonio Veranzio, and in Hungarian as Verancsics Antal. Vrančić^× was born in Šibenik^×, which was part of the Republic of Venice at that time, in a rich and distinguished noble family. Vrančić’s^× relative Petar Berislavić^× (cca. 1450–1520), who was a bishop of the Hungarian town of Veszprém^× and Ban of Croatia from 1513 to 1520, looked after [29] Antun’s^× education until his death in an Ottoman ambush, in the aftermath of the battle of Korenica^× in May of 1520. After Berislavić’s^× death, Vrančić’s^× uncle, Bishop Ivan Statilić^×, continued to support young Antun’s^× extensive and superior humanist studies as Antun^× decided to become a priest. Vrančić^× repaid his debt to his kinsman Petar Berislavić^× by writing his biography in Latin under the title Vita Petri Berislavi (The Life of Petar Berislavić).[3]

Vrančić^× studied in Padua^×, Vienna^× and Krakow^× in the years immediately following the Ottoman victory at the Battle of Mohács in 1526. Since his uncle Ivan Statilić^× had sided with John Zápolya^× in the conflict over the Hungarian throne, Vrančić^× entered the service of John Zápolya^× becoming his royal secretary in 1530.[4]

Already in his early twenties Vrančić^× was appointed to a number of high ecclesiastical positions. As early as 1527 young Vrančić^× was sent by John Zápolya^× and his high state and Church officials on different diplomatic missions. In 1530, when he was only twenty five, Vrančić^× was sent on a diplomatic mission to Krakow^× to meet with the King of Poland. In the ensuing decades Vrančić^× went on numerous missions to the courts of some of the most powerful rulers of contemporary Europe: to the court of the Doge of Venice^×, to Sarajevo^× in Bosnia under Ottoman rule, in 1531 to the Papal State in Rome^×, as well as to Paris^×, London^×, Vienna^×, Prague^× and again to Krakow^×. During these missions, Vrančić^× demonstrated great talent for diplomacy and politics.[5]

Vrančić’s^× diplomatic mission to France and England

One of Vrančić’s^× most challenging diplomatic missions was the visit to France and England in 1546, namely, his visit to Paris^× and London^×, at that time ruled by the King of France Francis I^× (ruled 1515–1547) and the King of England Henry VIII^× (ruled 1509–1547), respectively.[7]Vrančić^× traveled there as a diplomat in the service of Queen Regent Isabella^× in order to conclude an agreement which would have been directed against the Habsburgs and Ferdinand I^× as the common enemy of both, France and Transylvania. Visits are not well documented, Vrančić’s^× correspondence being our only source of information. So in his letter from France Vrančić^× mentioned the negotiations with Francis I^×, and stated his belief that an agreement will be concluded. We can only guess what [32] was discussed, since the conspiratorial tone of Vrančić’s^× correspondence does not reveal what was negotiated or agreed upon. It is possible that Vrančić^× traveled to Paris^× in order to obtain the consent of Francis I^× for some form of an agreement between Transylvania and the Habsburgs, to which both Francis I^× and Ferdinand’s older brother and Holy Roman Emperor Charles V^× (ruled 1519–1556) needed to agree as mediators. After all, the two rulers were the most powerful European rulers at the time. Whether or not Vrančić’^×s Paris^× mission was successful, remains unknown. Equally unknown remain the ensuing events at the court of the King of England^×. It can only be assumed that Vrančić^× was unsuccessful in obtaining an agreement, because political developments in Europe did not go in favor of Transylvania: Charles V^× increasingly demonstrated diplomatic and military superiority over Francis I^× and the countries that relied on the assistance of France, including Transylvania. In spite of all of Vrančić’^×s efforts, the position of the Transylvanian Queen Regent^× and her country was very disadvantageous.[8]

Vrančić^× in the service of the Habsburgs

Vrančić^× was dissatisfied in the service of Queen Regent Isabella^× because he could not advance in his career due to his conflict with Juraj Utješenović^× (also known as Utješinović or Utišenić, or György Martinuzzi; lived 1482–1551), Hungarian cleric of Croatian descent who fought for power in Transylvania against Queen Regent Isabella^× for a very long time. Thus in 1549 Vrančić^× decided to leave the Transylvanian court and enter in the service of the Habsburgs, namely, that of the other pretender to the Hungarian throne, Ferdinand I^×. In the service of the Habsburgs Vrančić^× advanced rapidly, quickly becoming Ferdinand’s^× secretary, as well as being appointed to a number of senior ecclesiastical positions.[9]

Vrančić^× gradually gained the trust of Ferdinand I^×, and his new master began appointing him to numerous demanding diplomatic missions. For instance, in April 1553, Vrančić^× was sent on a mission to the Ottoman governor of central Hungary, Ali Pasha^×, who had his headquarters in Buda^×. In Buda^×Vrančić^× negotiated the Habsburg-Ottoman armistice which was to last until November 1553. There is a distinct possibility that the Habsburg state leadership believed that six months would be enough time for the Habsburg delegation to travel to Istanbul^×, and obtain a more stable and longer lasting peace agreement with the Ottoman Empire. As it turned out, the Habsburg emissaries will eventually need to spend four years in Istanbul^× to fulfill such a demanding task. Shortly before being sent on this mission, on June 6, 1553, Vrančić^× was appointed the bishop of the Hungarian town of Pécs^× by Ferdinand I^×.[10]

Vrančić’s^× coding of diplomatic messages and private letters

During his diplomatic missions in the service of both Transylvania and the Habsburgs, Vrančić^× used coding in order to prevent his messages from being read by foreign agents who would intercept his written communication with his superiors. Moreover, Vrančić^× used to encode the letters that he sent to members of his family.[25] During the mission to Istanbul^× too, Vrančić^× brought with him his coding manuals. He used a number of different coding systems, depending on the recipient of individual letters. These codes were diverse: from specific codes for every single letter of the alphabet, to specific codes for different words, including titles, personal and geographic names, diplomatic concepts, etc. The reasoning behind the encoding of individual names and concepts laid in the fact that the messages were even harder to decipher if the individual keywords and most commonly used words had specific code tags; if an unintended reader were to break the alphabet code, he still would not have been able to interpret the meaning of the keywords. It is known that Vrančić^× had used certain coding systems in the course of his first mission to Istanbul^×, since in 1554 and 1555 Vrančić^× and Zay^× received at least thirteen encrypted letters that were sent by Ferdinand I^×, and the emissaries too encoded at least some of the letters that they sent to Vienna^× to the Habsburg ruler. The nature of the diplomatic profession demanded periodic changes of the coding systems, so that the possibility of an enemy deciphering an overused coding system was minimized. Thus the Habsburg envoys must have received a new coding system from Vienna^×, which their new colleague Busbecq^× brought to Istanbul^× after his appointment as the new residential envoy in 1554. The preserved correspondence of the Habsburg emissaries suggests that this new coding system was used for the exchange of letters with the Habsburg officials in Vienna^×, as well. It seems that for the entire duration of their stay in Istanbul^×Vrančić^× and Zay^× were writing letters without encoding them, instead having their assistants encode them and send them to Vienna^× where another set of assistants were deciphering them for Ferdinand I^×. The versions of these letters that were preserved to this day are the deciphered versions of Vrančić’s^× letters that were consequently published by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and are also used for this publication.[26]

The arrival of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq to Istanbul

Since Malvezzi^× fell ill in the Ottoman prison, his return from Vienna^× to Istanbul^× was significantly delayed. One can argue that the situation was but an excuse for the Habsburg leadership, because they were aware of the severity of their diplomatic situation, and have thus delayed sending new instructions to their emissaries in the Ottoman capital. At the end of May 1555, Malvezzi^× received new instructions from the Habsburg ruler, which included only legal justifications of the Habsburg occupation of Transylvania. Meanwhile in Istanbul^×, Vrančić^× and Zay^× employed diplomacy against the influence of the Transylvanian envoys on the Ottoman Sultan trying to avert the Ottomans from making any moves that would benefit the former Queen Regent Isabella^× and her son. The Transylvanian diplomats tried to denigrate Vrančić^× by informing the Ottoman officials that Vrančić^× had been changing sides, as he had been in Transylvanian service previously. Vrančić^× informed Ferdinand^× about this, and the Habsburg ruler wrote back that he did not have the slightest intention to withdraw him as the emissary since Vrančić^× had proved himself well in the given position. The word came out that the Ottomans were trying to bring John Sigismund^× back to power in Transylvania. Furthermore, Ottoman forces were victorious against the Safavid army in the Ottoman–Safavid War in the east of Asia Minor. This news prompted the Habsburg leadership to speed up the sending of a new residential envoy with the instructions for negotiations on Transylvania. Malvezzi^× was very ill and soon died. After over a year of his absence, on January 20, 1555, the Habsburgs filled Malvezzi’s^× position with a Flemish writer, diplomat, [46] zoologist and botanist Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq^× (also known as Augerius Gislenius Busbequius, 1522–1592), who had already been in the Habsburg service, and had the reputation of an expert in diplomacy. Prior to this mission in Istanbul^×, Busbecq^× was a Habsburg envoy to England. He arrived in Istanbul^× with new instructions from the Habsburg ruler, which included an order to conclude peace at all costs, and to preserve Transylvania under Habsburg control. In order to secure success of the mission, Ferdinand I^× decided to send one of his most competent men to assist Vrančić^× and Zay^× in the negotiations. If all else failed, the envoys were instructed to appeal to the Sultan^× to give away Transylvania to the Habsburg ruler in exchange for a considerable tribute. The task of the Habsburg delegation was very difficult and the members of the mission believed that the new instructions sent by Ferdinand^× were unachievable. Moreover, all the money that Busbecq^× had brought with him the envoys spent on the repayment of their previous debts. Earlier, on October 6, 1553, Rüstem Pasha^× was removed from the position of the Grand Vizier, and Kara Ahmed Pasha^× (Grand Vizier 1553–1555), the previous second vizier, filled his place. Ahmed Pasha^× sent the Habsburg emissaries to the town of Amasya^×, in the east of Asia Minor, where Sultan Süleyman^× resided during his military campaign against the Safavid Empire. In the current phase of the war, the Sultan was achieving significant successes against the Safavid forces, and under the impression of his victory, he informed the new Grand Vizier to send the Habsburg envoys to meet him in Amasya^×. Thus the Habsburg diplomats were forced to depart from Istanbul^× and head on a long and arduous journey through Anatolia, of which they knew almost nothing, as they confirmed in their reports to Ferdinand^×. Their route through Asia Minor would have been difficult for anyone, and must have been strenuous for Vrančić^× and Zay^×, then in their fifties. They carried numerous gifts to the Ottoman Sultan, among other things 10,000 gold coins of tribute for Transylvania, as well as silver and gilded cups which were Ferdinand’s^× personal gifts to the Sultan.[27]

The discovery of the Roman Emperor Augustus’s monument in Ankara

On March 9, 1555, the Habsburg delegation went on a journey from Istanbul^× in the direction of Asia Minor and Amasya^× in order to meet with Sultan Süleyman^×. The importance of the voyage, however, does not lie in diplomatic success as much as it does in the archeological discovery by the Habsburg diplomats in the spring of 1555 in Ankara, in central Anatolia. On March 28, 1555, the envoys arrived in Ankara^×, and the following day in the ruins, which turned out to be the temple of the Roman Emperor Octavian Augustus^× (ruled 27 BC–14 AD), found a marble inscription. After they analyzed it, they realized that is was a copy of the inscription on the Emperor’s grave in the mausoleum of Augustus^× in Rome^×. This inscription is today known as Res gestae divi Augusti (The Deeds of the Divine Augustus) or Monumentum Ancyranum (The Ankara Monument). It is in fact a Greek [48] and Latin text carved in stone, in which the life of Octavian Augustus^× is described, and in which his deeds and endeavors are listed. The purpose of this monument was propaganda, that is, the intent to present an idealized image of Augustus’^× rule to the Roman public. The original of the grave inscription from the mausoleum of Augustus^× in Rome^× has not been preserved, however, in the course of time a number of its copies have been found, as they had been placed on various locations throughout the Roman Empire. In the Roman Ankara^× (Ancyra), the monument was located within the temple consecrated to Rome^× and to Emperor Augustus^×, the temple being located in the present-day Ulus district in Ankara^×.[28]

It still has not been precisely determined who exactly found this artefact. In all likelihood, Busbecq^×, Vrančić^× and other members of the mission were present during the discovery, and together they read, translated and identified the Roman inscription as the list of deeds of Emperor Augustus^×. Busbecq^×, however, was the first person to publish a part of the inscription in his works, so the credit for the discovery almost exclusively went to him, although it should have gone to all members of the delegation.[29] Besides, Vrančić^× had a much wider classical education and much bigger experience in archaeology than Busbecq^× or any other member of the mission. Busbecq^× first published a part of the Roman inscription in 1581 in his work Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum (The Travels to Constantinople and Amasya), which was re-published in 1589, this time under the title Legationis Turcicae epistolae quatuor (Four Letters from the Turkish Legation), better known as Turcicae epistolae (The Turkish Letters).[30] In his later writings Busbecq confirmed the presumption that the credit for the discovery of the inscription of Em- [49] peror Augustus^× should have gone to all members of the delegation, because he described the discovery of the inscription in plural form: “Here we saw a very beautiful inscription, containing a copy of the tablets in which Augustus^× gave a summary of his achievements. We made our people copy out as much as was legible.”[31] The discovery of the inscription of Emperor Augustus^× represents one of the biggest archaeological discoveries of the early modern period.[32]

The sojourn of the Habsburg delegation in Amasya

The Habsburg diplomats arrived in Amasya^× after a month-long journey, on April 7, 1555, and have stayed there for four weeks. The Sultan^× received them very soon after their arrival and listened to their message. The envoys conveyed Ferdinand’s^× claims of the legality of the Habsburg possession of Transylvania to the Sultan^×, and promised to give the Sultan 80,000 gold coins in exchange for Ottoman confirmation of Habsburg authority over the province. Furthermore, they promised a large amount of money to high Ottoman officials: to the Sultan’s stableman 20,000 gold coins and to the viziers 14,000, 10,000 and 4,000 gold coins. Süleyman^× did not appreciate that Ferdinand^× wished his rule over Transylvania to be recognized, so the exchange ended quickly and without results. The envoys tried to influence prominent Ottoman officials by promising them money in exchange for persuading the Sultan to accept the Habsburg demand, but all their efforts were in vain. The reception of the Habsburg diplomats before the Sultan was so organized that both Habsburg and Safavid envoys delivered their gifts to the Sultan simultaneously. Both delegations were in a very inferior position before the Ottoman Sultan because both came to plead for peace. However, only the mission of the Safavid delegation was successful: on May 10, the Safavid emissaries obtained a peace agreement with the Sultan, thereby disappointing the Habsburg diplomats. Peace on the eastern borders of the Ottoman Empire meant that Sultan Süleyman^× could now devote himself to war activities in Hungary. Once the Ottoman–Safavid peace agreement was signed, all the Habsburg envoys could achieve was that the Sultan accept the Habsburg tribute for Transylvania, and agree to a six-month truce. Sultan Süleyman^× insisted that Ferdinand^× accept John Sigismund’s^× return to power in Transylvania. The Sultan gave Busbecq^× a letter for Ferdinand^×. Busbecq^× was supposed to deliver it to Vienna^×, and then return with new instructions for negotiations. On June 2, the Habsburg delegation headed back to Istanbul^×, from where Busbecq^× traveled to Vienna^× in order to personally inform Ferdinand I^× about the Ottoman attitude and deliver Süleyman’s^× letter. The agreed truce was difficult to sustain due to incessant border conflicts of low intensity. Vrančić^× and Zay^× remained in Istanbul^×, without any important obligations for the moment.[33]

Non-diplomatic activities of the Habsburg envoys in Istanbul

The long-term stay of the Habsburg peace delegation in Istanbul^× indicates that the negotiation process between countries was much slower in the sixteenth century than it is today. The Habsburg diplomats did not spend their entire stay in Istanbul^× on diplomatic activities exclusively. In their idle time, between receptions at the Sultan’s palace and at the residences of the viziers, they spent a large amount of their time on their private interests. They could do that since travel and sending of reports in the early modern period lasted considerably longer than at present day. Thus the emissaries, as mentioned above, had a significant amount of free time while waiting for the new Habsburg residential envoy to arrive to Istanbul^×. During these long breaks, Zay^×, on the one hand, spent his time on hunting and fishing in the company of Ottoman pashas, with whom he tried to make friends and thus gain their favor. On the other hand, Vrančić^× spent his free time writing numerous letters to his friends and family members in Hungary, Croatia and Dalmatia, as well as on various ethnological, zoological, botanical, architectural and other research in Istanbul^×. The long and rich history of the Ottoman capital provided him with a wide and versatile foundation for his scientific interests. One has to bear in mind that contemporary European intellectuals knew very little about the realities of the Ottoman Empire; however, they demonstrated a great desire for reducing their ignorance – Vrančić^× being among them.[34]

On many earlier occasions in his life, as a true representative of humanism, Vrančić^× demonstrated his interest for ancient history and archaeological explorations. On his journey to Istanbul^×, passing through the Balkan towns of rich ancient history, Vrančić^× quoted classical authors in his travelogue. In the town of Niš^× in Ottoman Serbia, he transcribed a number of ancient inscriptions in Latin, and in Istanbul^× and its environs he searched for ancient ruins and other archaeological remains, transcribed ancient inscriptions and collected Greek and Roman coins. Apart from that, he sent many valuable books that he had found in Istanbul^× and Anatolian cities to his friends.[35]

Such a difficult situation was resolved by events on the ground. In 1556, significant political changes occurred in Transylvania, whose fate was the subject of negotiations in Istanbul^×. Sultan Süleyman^× threatened to establish his power in Transylvania by force, so the Transylvanian nobility called for the former Queen Regent Isabella^× and John Sigismund^× to return from Poland, expressing their desire for Isabella^× to retake the throne. Thus Isabella^× continued to rule in place of her son, and Ferdinand I^× was forced to abandon further attempts to establish his authority over Transylvania, without ever being successful in establishing full control there. Ferdinand’s^× consent to withdraw from Transylvania significantly improved the position of the members of the Istanbul^× mission. However, they still had to distribute the border forts between the Habsburgs and the Ottomans, which was not an easy task. Meanwhile in Central Hungary from June 11 to July 21, 1556, Ottoman commander [54] Ali Pasha^× of Buda^× besieged the Hungarian fortress of Szigetvár^× in present-day southern Hungary. Ali Pasha^× must have received instructions from Istanbul^× put pressure on the Habsburgs in that way. The Ottoman commander broke the siege of Szigetvár^× in order to confront the Habsburg forces attacking the surrounding Ottoman forts, and Szigetvár^× was relieved of Ottoman siege. It was, however, clear that in the following years the Ottoman forces would attack Szigetvár^× as the key fortress in southern Hungary.[38]

The Habsburg emissaries in Istanbul^× informed Ferdinand^× on January 8, 1557, that their negotiations were pointless and that the Ottomans did not wish to conclude a peace agreement under any circumstances. The Habsburg diplomats had contradictory information about the situation on the Ottoman–Safavid border, which allegedly threatened with the breakout of a new war. From other sources, however, they heard that the Ottomans did not have any problems with their neighbors. This was probably the result of Ottoman counterintelligence activities. In any case, Vrančić^× and his colleagues did not know which information was true, and which was not. The Habsburg envoys, too, were engaged in counterintelligence activities, as they found out that there were spies at Ferdinand’s^× court. They also learned some information about those spies: one of them had a black beard and was a goldsmith, and the other was called Francisco^×, was a musician and had a long red beard. They informed Ferdinand^× about it and advised an investigation, as they were not confident in the veracity of these claims. There were many other rumors whose veracity they could not establish.[39]

In June 1557, the Ottoman viziers communicated to the Habsburg envoys that the Ottoman side wished the fortresses of Eger^×, Palata^× and Szigetvár^× to be surrendered to them as a condition for signing the peace accord. Namely, those were the strongholds which presented the greatest danger for the part of Hungary under Ottoman rule. The Habsburg delegation could [55] not agree to these concessions. Additional negotiations found the Ottoman viziers demanding the fortress of Szigetvár^× to be surrendered to them, as a condition for the acceptance of the peace accord. This revealed that Szigetvár^× was the most important fortress of the previously mentioned fortifications. It was decided that Vrančić^× and Zay^× would, in October of the same year, travel back to Vienna^× and convey the Ottoman demands to the Habsburg ruler. It ultimately turned out that Vrančić^× and Zay^× did not need to return to Istanbul^×. The Habsburg residential envoy Busbecq^× remained in Istanbul^× and he was the person who, after years of living in Istanbul^×, had the honor of concluding the final agreement, which was signed on June 1, 1562. The peace accord was signed for a period of eight years, and it was agreed that Ferdinand^× would continue to pay the yearly tribute of 30,000 gold coins. Furthermore, Ferdinand^× had to officially waive claim to the whole of Transylvania. The Habsburgs did not want to surrender Szigetvár^×, so it stayed under Habsburg control until 1566, when the Ottoman forces succeeded in capturing it after all. At the end of the day, Vrančić’s^× and Zay’s^× mission was one without results, although they had spent full four years in Istanbul^×. After their return to Vienna^×, they informed Ferdinand^× about their negotiations in detail. The overall impression was that the emissaries did a good work and managed to protect Habsburg interests, even though they did not manage to sign the peace agreement. Vrančić’s^× contemporaries in Europe of the time considered his demanding Istanbul mission successful and praiseworthy. In November 1557, Ferdinand I^× rewarded Vrančić^× by appointing him the Bishop of Eger^×, a town in northern Hungary. Through this appointment Vrančić^× became the second most important person in the hierarchy of the Catholic Church in Hungary of the time.[40]

In the subsequent years, Vrančić^× remained Ferdinand’s^× person of utmost confidence. When the Habsburg ruler died in 1564, and when his son Maximilian II^× succeeded him, Vrančić^× remained part of the circle of dignitaries the new ruler could rely on the most. Moreover, Vrančić^× accompanied Maximilian^× on his numerous travels throughout Habsburg lands.[41]

Vrančić’s^× second Istanbul mission (1567–1568)

In 1566 Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent^×, who was then 71 years old and of ill health, headed out on his final military campaign in the direction of Central Europe, and probably Vienna^× as the final goal, but his campaign ended prematurely with his death in the course of the siege of Szigetvár^× in September of the same year. During the one-month siege, the commander of Szigetvár^×, Croatian and Hungarian military leader and statesman Nikola IV Šubić Zrinski^× (Hungarian: Zrínyi Miklós, 1620–1664) and almost all of Szigetvár’s^× defenders were killed: instead of accepting the Ottoman offer to surrender, in a final charge, they broke out of the fortress in flames. Süleyman I^× was succeeded by his son Selim II^× (ruled 1566–1574). The Habsburg leadership wished to conclude peace with the new sultan, and thus secure their eastern and southern borders. During the preceding years, Habsburg frontier forces incessantly engaged [57] in conflicts not only with the Ottoman forces, but with the Transylvanian soldiers as well. Therefore the Habsburgs deemed it necessary to define the exact border in an agreement between the three countries, and thus end the long period of constant insecurity in the border regions. Although Maximilian II^× in 1565 concluded a peace accord with the Transylvanian ruler John Sigismund^×, the treaty has never been implemented. Therefore, in 1567 Maximilian II sent a letter to the new Ottoman sultan, expressing his desire to sign a peace accord resolving all outstanding issues between the three countries. Selim II^× wrote back to the Habsburg ruler in June of 1567, consenting to the arrival of the Habsburg delegation to Istanbul^×, with an escort. The delegation was bringing to the sultan the usual yearly tribute of 30,000 gold coins, twenty gilded cups and three watches; 4,000 gold coins, four silver cups and a watch to the grand vizier; 2,000 gold coins, two gilded cups and a watch to the second vizier; 2,000 gold coins and two silver cups to the third vizier; and 1,000 gold coins to each of the other viziers. Watches were one of the favorite gifts among high Ottoman officials. Furthermore, two Ottoman interpreters should have received 500 and 300 gold coins. The Habsburgs chose Vrančić^× [58] to lead the new mission to Istanbul, not surprising at all since Vrančić^× had enormous diplomatic experience, and was well acquainted with the Ottomans. The only aggravating circumstance for Vrančić^× was that he was 63 years old, and used to get very fatigued during the voyage to the Ottoman capital. Vrančić^× went on the mission together with Christoph Teuffenbach^×, a nobleman from Styria and counsellor to Emperor Maximilian II^×, as well as with a number of other diplomats. On July 1, 1567, the delegation with an escort consisting of 86 persons headed from Pressburg^×, present-day Bratislava.[42]

Vrančić^× did not write a travelogue during this voyage, but one of the members of the mission did: Italian writer Marco Antonio Pigafetta, who wrote a travelogue enti- [59] tled Itinerario di Marc’Antonio Pigafetta, gentil’huomo vicentino (The Travelogue of Marco Antonio Pigafetta, Gentleman from Vicenza).[43] The delegation travelled along the Danube, just as the first delegation did before them, and they stopped in Buda^× in order to visit the Ottoman pasha. In Buda^×, they were given an Ottoman escort, which was supposed to take care of their safety along the road. They continued their journey on July 10 and sailed until Belgrade^×. From Belgrade^× they continued by land through Ottoman Serbia and Bulgaria towards Istanbul^×. All costs of the travel were covered by the Ottoman sultan.[44]

The delegation arrived to Istanbul^× on August 22, their voyage from Buda^× to Istanbul^× being twenty days longer than that of the first Istanbul^× mission. It is very likely that Vrančić’^×s old age affected the speed of travel, because Pigafetta recorded that they had to stay longer at some places along the road in order for Vrančić^× to be able to rest. Outside Istanbul^×, they were greeted by an Ottoman squadron that escorted them to the house where Flemish diplomat Albert de Wijs^× (or Wyss), Habsburg residential envoy in Istanbul^×, lived. Wijs^× suffered the same fate as the earlier envoy Malvezzi^×: not being able to surrender Hungarian fortresses Szigetvár^× and Gyula^× in Maximilian^×’s name, and even having to demand some other Ottoman fortresses instead, he was imprisoned by the Sultan^×. He was released only when the new Habsburg delegation arrived in the city. The Habsburg diplomats were instructed to obtain a peace agreement which would preserve the borders as they were before the armed conflicts of the two previous years (status quo ante). The Habsburg ruler believed that the generous gifts that the envoys had brought with them would help them to accomplish the task. In addition to delivering the previously mentioned money, precious cups and watches, the envoys were instructed to promise the Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha^× (lived 1506–1579; grand vizier 1565–1579) 2,000 gold coins each year if he were to be successful in persuading the Sultan^× to consent to the peace agreement. Just as he did during his earlier mission in the Ottoman capital, Vrančić^× sent detailed and lucid reports to the Habsburg ruler on the sociopolitical [60] situation in the Ottoman Empire, and especially on the Ottoman relations with the Safavid Empire, the perennial Ottoman enemy on its eastern border. The envoys sent their letters via the Venetian travellers who travelled by boat from Istanbul^× to Venice^×. As was the case during the first mission, the envoys could not appear in audience before the sultan this time either. This time the reason being that Selim II^× was not in Istanbul^×, but in Edirne^×, in the old Ottoman palace, where the new sultan enjoyed spending his time there more than in Istanbul^×. Selim II^× returned from a hunting trip to Edirne^× on September 15. In the meantime, the Habsburg diplomats had talked with Grand Vizier Mehmed Pasha^×, who was more interested in Maximilian’s gifts than in the provisions of the new peace accord.[45]

Selim II^× received the Habsburg delegation on September 21, 1567, and agreed to negotiate a new peace deal. The negotiations lasted five months and in this period the Habsburg negotiators talked with the Grand Vizier^× [61] on fourteen occasions. One of the most controversial topics was the Ottoman demand that the Habsburgs demolish the forts in the Hungarian towns of Tata^×, Veszprém and Tokay^×. In exchange for this concession the Habsburg ruler demanded that the Ottoman forces destroy their forts in the towns of Babócsa and Berencse. The other contentious topic was the drawing of the boundary line between Transylvania and the Habsburg part of Hungary, as was the division of border villages that had to pay taxes to both the Habsburgs and the Ottomans. Although both sides favored the signing of a new peace agreement, the negotiations proceeded slowly, partly because at the end of October Sultan Selim II^× traveled to Edirne^× again, and let the Grand Vizier^× negotiate in his name. Thus once again Vrančić^× had time to devote to his private interests in the Ottoman capital: among other things he went for a tour of the entire Bosphorus. It turned out that Mehmed Pasha^× was an excellent negotiator, as Vrančić^× emphasized in his letters. Unlike Rüstem Pasha, Mehmed Pasha^× did not want to talk to Vrančić^× in Croatian, that is, in Serbo-Croatian, although Mehmed Pasha must have known their common language, as he was most likely born in the vicinity of the town of Rudo^× in present-day southeast Bosnia.[46]

The Habsburg delegation had to travel to Edirne^× on January 5, 1568, because the sultan^× did not intend to return to the capital before spring. In Edirne^×, chain of events comparable to the one during the Habsburg emissaries’ stay in Amasya unfolded: the Ottoman sultan^× waited for the visit of the Safavid envoy and concluded a peace agreement with his country on February 16, while the Habsburg emissaries had to wait for their opportunity. The very next day, the Grand Vizier^× received them, and peace agreement was signed the same day. This mission was twice as short as the first one, and so on February 17, 1568, a peace treaty was concluded in Edirne^× between Emperor Maximilian II^× and Sultan Selim II^×. Vrančić^× was thus destined to arrange a peace agreement between two fathers, and subsequently between the two sons of those fathers. The treaty was signed for the period of eight years, and it recognized former Ottoman conquests in Hungary; in other words, both sides agreed not to make any territorial changes. The issue of the border with Transylvania remained unresolved, as was the issue of the border villages; those disputes [62] were to be resolved by a future joint commission. The Habsburg ruler continued to pay the annual “gift”, that is, the tribute of 30,000 gold coins. The accord was officially signed on March 9. As a result of a combination of circumstances in foreign policy management, the peace agreement remained in effect for the next quarter of a century, although the conflicts on the Habsburg-Ottoman border continued, including the capturing of border forts and different low intensity military action. Thus the balance of power between the two empires was kept. An interesting detail relating to Vrančić’^×s second mission to Istanbul^× is that the Habsburg emissaries were instructed to request that the Ottomans donate a giraffe to Maximilian II^×. The Grand Vizier^× refused the request, justifying the refusal by declaring that the Ottomans had only one giraffe which was being used to accustom their military horses to giraffes.[47]